HVK Archives: Appeasement on the agenda
Appeasement on the agenda - The Observer
Dina Nath Mishra
()
10 October 1996
Title : Appeasement on the agenda
Author : Dina Nath Mishra
Publication : The Observer
Date : October 10, 1996
Jammu and Kashmir has passed through a decade-long tur-
moil due to Pak-sponsored terrorism in the state. Today,
when successful state assembly elections have been con-
ducted, we are faced with two contradictory feelings -
euphoria and the lurking suspicion that things may not
come back to square one.
Both have solid reasons to fall back on. In our part of
Kashmir normalcy has returned to a great extent. That is
why peaceful elections could be conducted. National
Conference which won a two-third majority has elected
Farooq Abdullah as its leader unanimously. Everybody
hopes that he would lead the state to the path of peace
and progress. That he would create the conditions wher-
ein the migrant Hindu population of Kashmiri Pundits
would return back to their homes.
To some extent optimism in justified, for we have con-
ducted, two elections. One of Lok Sabha and other of the
assembly, within a span of six months demonstrating to
the world the ground realities of Jammu and Kashmir.
Mediamen including foreigners witnessed the democratic
process of conducting the elections freely and fairly.
Barring Pakistan, nobody has questioned the veracity of
elections. Of course, the Organisation of Islamic Con-
ference (OIC) has parroted the Pakistan viewpoint alleg-
ing that the elections in J&K where rigged. They have
stuck to the demand of plebiscite. Barring a couple of
them, all the member countries of the OIC practise dicta-
torship or monarchy of various degrees. Those who do not
give their citizens the right to vote are absolutely
ineligible to lecture on democracy to a country like
India which is a vibrant democracy. The elections in J&K
is a big blow to Pak strategy which is continuing to
internationalise the issue of J&K. Currently its Prime
Minister Benazir Bhutto is on foreign tour trying to put
life into J&K problem.
One may feel that government of India is on right track
on the Kashmir issue. But not quite if one takes into
consideration various factors which cause apprehension in
the minds of average Indians. After all, Farooq Abdullah
is a man we know well. It was during his regime that
terrorism grew and the state administration collapsed. He
lost control over J&K establishment. By and by his loss
was the gains of Islamic terrorists. Even government
servants started working for terrorists. Some of them
went to Pakistan for training while continuing to draw
salary from the government treasury. It was Farooq who
lost the state to competing terrorist organisations.
Fundamentalists enforced various dictates of Shariat laws
in the Valley during his rule. This was something akin
to the ongoing Taliban experiment to enforce the Islamic
code in Kabul.
It was during his tenure that corruption attained new
peaks which, in turn. resulted in massive disillusionment
against India as he was projected as the Indian stooge by
Pakistani propagandists and fundamentalists. The dis-
turbing aspect of the new chapter becomes all the more
serious, if we look at two points - one at Delhi and the
other in Kabul.
Certainly, today Pakistan has got a strategic success in
Afghanistan through the Taliban which is a creation of
Pakistan's ISI. It was trained, armed and funded by ISI.
The military success of Pakistan has pleased its friend,
the US. The US was the first to offer talks with the
Taliban. Its gesture has surprised number of countries.
Such a serious change in neighbourhood of Kashmir fron-
tier if certainly disturbing if one take cognizance of
long term US designs in the region.
Secondly the rulers of India are committed to federalism
and Farooq Abdullah's National Conference is programmed
to be part of the United Front. UF's commitment to J&K
to grant autonomy adds a dangerous dimension to it.
Farooq Abdullah has promised to bring back the autonomy
of J&K to pre-1953 level. This would mean change of
nomenclature of the chief minister and governor into
Wazire-Azam and Sadar-e-Riasat. Such terminologies add a
touch of sovereignty to the state. Further, the governor
will not be appointed by Delhi. The state assembly would
elect him. Pre1953 level also means that jurisdiction of
the Supreme Court, Election Commission, Comptroller and
Auditor General of India will cease to exist. Farooq
Abdullah's concept of autonomy may crystallise in a
resolution urging for total autonomy outside of defence,
foreign affairs, communication and currency. Now he has
the two-thirds majority of his own needed to pass it.
Even circumstances may be created by the separatist
elements in Kashmir which may compel him to harden his
attitude.
A question may arise as to how he would meet the growing
demand of finances? The United States or some other
western power or institutions would start gaining
foothold by extending financial doles under this or that
pretext. Autonomy may also be the device to put the
state beyond the pale of Article 356. He may raise the
bogey of human rights violations by Indian security
forces and even constitute a commission to dig out the
cases, real or imagined, under the pressure of supporters
of various terrorist outfits. The above mentioned as-
pects of autonomy are separatist in nature. If the UF
government concedes them or even some parts of it, that
may well be the beginning of the disintegration of India.
The case for a strong state basically rests on financial
rather than political muscles. It is not a happy situa-
tion that chief ministers of states have to pay monthly
visits to the New Delhi for this grant or that alloca-
tion. The states should certainly have more power and
share in resources so that it may -got be at the mercy of
the Centre. This is an imperative for the development of
the states. It should be applied to all the states and
not Jammu and Kashmir alone. No state should be given
special status as J&K has been given through Article 370
of the Constitution. There is a strong case of the
abrogation of the same.
The CPI and CPM support the demand for autonomy. Far-
ooq's demands are specific and very clear. Deve Gowda's
commitment is neither specific nor clear. He has only
said that the quantum of autonomy will be decided in
consultation with the newly elected government of J&K.
As per this commitment, Farooq Abdullah whose party is
now poised to be part of the UF would have more leverage
to manipulate the quantum. Former Prime Minister V P
Sigh is also tilted towards autonomy for J&K based on
national consensus. former Prime Minister Narasimha Rao
is committed to keeping article 370 intact and giving
autonomy "short of azadi."
Clearly, rulers and supporters of New Delhi are in a mood
to appease Kashmiris, particularly Farooq Abdullah. It
is bound to set a chain reaction in Punjab, Andhra, Tamil
Nadu and the northeastern states. The government would
be committing a Himalayan blunder if it gives J&K autono-
my which is denied to other states. Double standard
would be disastrous for the unity and integrity of the
country.
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