Author: Rakesh Sinha
Publication: The Pioneer
Date: March 9, 2001
Any national calamity is a test
for a civil society on how people share each other's grief and extend a
helping hand. Gujarat is an exemplary case. Thousands of people and dozens
of organisations poured into the State to help the earthquake victims.
The RSS is also one of them and is working in earnest. The English media,
which is usually unsympathetic towards the Sangh, acknowledged its role
too, but with some reservations.
Not surprising. The anti-RSSism,
which is ingrained in the social philosophy of the media, prevented them
writing objectively about RSS's work. For instance, a national daily praised
the Sangh on the basis of "confirmed reports" in 11 words for its good
works in Gujarat and denounced it in 29 words on the basis of "unconfirmed
reports". Such reports made the RSS spokesman MG Vaidya respond with the
words: "Even though we are surprised by your assertion and belief in the
'unconfirmed' reports, we would like to know more details, so that we can
address these lapses that have been purportedly committed by our Swayamsevaks."
RSS's contributions have been recognised
in the past too by people of different political shades. Impressed by its
work in AP in 1977, Sarvodaya leader Prabhakar Rao said, "RSS stands for
'Ready for Selfless Service'."
It is incongruous with its "image".
All the time the RSS has been discussed in regard to either politics or
anti-minorities activities. Its suggestion of an alternative perspective
on secularism and nationality has never been debated. The force of its
ideology, whose strength lies in its belief in indigenous values and which
found many prominent votaries outside its Shakha network, perturbed even
the popular and powerful leader like Nehru, who spared no occasion to downgrade
RSS admirers.
Nehru's antipathy to RSS was later
borrowed by Indian secularists. Had RSS perspective been debated and discussed,
Indian democracy would have had the benefit of a new consensus on both
secularism and nationality. Its alternative model found little academic
support. It failed to compete with the ostensibly "superior" intellectual
works of Indian Marxists. Nevertheless, saffron ideological expansion was
taken up by leaflet writers. Tilak and Aurovindo Ghosh, the two ideological
progenitors of Hindutva movement, could hold out against Western resistance
only because they combined intellectual works with their activism. If Tilak
had not two newspapers in his hand, he would have been portrayed as a reactionary
element. KM Munshi later endeavoured to keep the flame of Tilak-Aurovindo
thought process alive.
With the passing away of such advocates,
RSS's commitment to any national cause has been discounted. It survived
for the last 75 years not by scoring over its detractors through academic
quibbling but by dint of activism and ready service. That is its elixir.
No organisation can attract workers dedicated to the national cause for
so long if it is devoid of idealism.
Lamenting the lack of a organisation
dedicated to the national cause Swami Vivekananda once said, "an organisation
that will teach the Hindus mutual help and appreciation." He added, "The
whole national character is one of childish dependence. They are all ready
to enjoy food if brought to their mouths,...three men can not act in concert
together in India for five minutes. Each one struggles for power and in
the long run whole organisation comes to grief. In such a nation to increase
a band of men who are tied and bound together with a most undying love
in spite of differences, is it not wonderful?"
Dr Hedgewar translated the Swami's
message into practice. Of Madan Mohan Malviya's visit to RSS Shakha at
Nagpur in July 1929 a Marathi daily wrote, "Other institutions have big
buildings and huge funds but I am happy that your Sangh has an excellent
man power." Dr Hedgewar considered social activism as essentially intrinsic
to any lively organisation.
Of RSS role it can be said that
"workers" are not only polling agents; and "leaders", not only legislators.
They meet and work in social horizon together. Another emphasis of Dr Hedgewar
which became part of Sangh culture is reticence about their good work.
He is quoted in RSS Shakha and literature frequently, "O savior of nation!
relinquish the petty ambition that your name will be published in newspapers
and you will be honoured and garlanded in public." Punyabhoomi and Matribhoomi
is the bedrock of RSS ideological dedication which continues to inspire
its culture of service.
During partition, contrary to apocryphal
stories about RSS, it concentrated its energy on safety and rehabilitation
of refugees. It was praised by AN Bali in his work "Now it can be Told",
1949). Whenever RSS went for services, positive religious considerations
guided the volunteers. It is contrary to the portrayal of RSS in Marxist
or ultra liberal literature and cinema. In Tamas, a TV serial the man in
"khaki sorts and white shirts" was shown practising violence. The RSS of
course protested against what was said of it - "cultural policing".
Lately, a few analysts have been
making demented comparison of the RSS even with the Taliban. RSS training
is free from religious dogmas. In the beginning the idol of Hanuman was
a part of RSS Shakha but it was immediately removed, considering the sentiments
of Arya Samajis. The latest Gujarat episode only proves the dictum: "Give
a dog bad name and then hang it".
