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India's Ambassador address at the Woodrow Wilson Center - October 11, 2001

India's Ambassador address at the Woodrow Wilson Center - October 11, 2001

Address by Ambassador LALIT MANSINGH at the Woodrow Wilson
International Center for Scholars
Washington DC
October 11, 2001

I am grateful to the Woodrow Wilson Center for giving me this opportunity to address this distinguished forum.

India has benefited greatly from the work of this prestigious center of learning and research. The Asia Program at the Wilson Center has emerged as one of the major schools of innovative academic studies in Washington, shaping and influencing thinking about the region in India's extended neighbourhood.

Today, democratic and multi-cultural societies like those of India and the United States live in the shadow of terror. September 11 began like any other Tuesday. It ended like no other. That Tuesday brought a new divide into the world. On one side, are those who believe in freedom, pluralism, secularism and tolerance. On the other, are those who seek to enslave us in the bondage of their narrowly defined ideology.

Across this divide, the forces of civilisation and progress are ranged against those of barbarism and obscurantism. This is a war in which India and the United States stand shoulder-to-shoulder. Both our countries have a vital stake in defeating the forces of terror wherever they exist.

Woodrow Wilson said, "Democracy is not so much a form of government as a set of principles." What is at stake in this new war is more than our lands and our sovereignty. What we are defending are our principles. The leaders of India's freedom movement were inspired by the ideals of Jefferson, Wilson and Mahatma Gandhi. At Independence, we opted for a parliamentary democratic system based on universal suffrage. We rejected the notion that our multi-religious and multi-linguistic society constituted different nations. We chose instead to be one nation where different sections of our society lived in harmony, committed to pluralism and guided by our historical ethos of tolerance. It is precisely these factors, fundamental to India's existence as a nation that the terrorists have chosen to strike.

In the last twenty years, over fifty thousand innocent Indian lives have been sacrificed to the monster of terrorism. Our aircraft have been hijacked. One of them was blown up over the Atlantic. Trains and busses have been bombed. Buildings have been destroyed. Market places, work places and even centers of learning have been attacked. The terrorists' objective is simple and diabolical - to destroy our harmony and our way of life. But they have failed. And we will never allow them to succeed.

On Christmas eve two years ago, an Indian Airlines aircraft was hijacked to Kandahar, the headquarters of the Taliban. 178 innocent passengers were held hostage there for a week. My government had to make an agonisingly difficult decision. It was forced to release three terrorists from our prisons to secure the safety of the hostages. Within days, the three released terrorists were in Pakistan. They received succour and support in that country. They were hailed as freedom fighters.

One of them, Masood Azhar, founded the Jaish-i-Muhammad. Ten days ago, this group launched a suicide bomb attack against the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly in Srinagar. 42 innocent people were killed in this attack on a symbol of democracy. Another of the terrorists, Sheikh Syed, is now known to have sent money from Pakistan to Mohammad Atta, the ring leader of the September 11 attacks. Other groups that regularly terrorise the people of India like the Harakat-ul-Mujahideen, Lashkar-e-Toiba and the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen are all mutations of the Al Qaeda. They receive their sustenance and support from the same sources.

The global response to terrorism must never be projected as a clash of civilisations. To do so, would be to play into the terrorists' hands. To do so, would also destroy the edifice of our multi-cultural societies. It is evident that terrorism thrives on the soil of authoritarianism. The long term bulwark against terrorism is to strengthen the democratic impulse and principles in every country and to promote a sense of inclusion and tolerance in every society - in short build a strong nation based on the edifice of a democratic, multi-cultural framework.

This year marks the sixtieth anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between India and the United States. The history of most of these last six decades has been meticulously recorded by Ambassador Dennis Kux. To him, we were "estranged democracies". Despite the common ideals and values that bind our two countries, our vision was blurred by the thick clouds of the Cold War. The domain of our diplomatic endeavours remained narrow. It was confined to the effort to reconcile differing interests instead of building upon the sturdier foundations of our common strengths.

Now the clouds of the Cold War have lifted. We can see each other more clearly for what we are. My Prime Minister has said we are "natural allies." The people of our two countries share a deeply entrenched commitment to pluralism, rule of law and open debate. Our partnership is anchored in the solid foundation of democracy. It is driven by the congruency of our interests on many issues.

Our two countries are now engaged in an intense and multi-faceted dialogue at the political and official level covering political and security matters, economic and commercial ties, energy and environment, science and technology, counterterrorism and UN peacekeeping.

It was during Director Lee Hamilton's term as Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee that the seeds of the India Caucus were sowed. The Caucus now boasts of a membership of 130, the largest single country Caucus in the House of Representatives. It constitutes the driving force of closer relations between the people of India and the people of the United States. The community of Indian origin in the United States has been a valuable asset in this remarkable transformation. It has helped to bridge the cultural and geographical divide between our two countries. It has invested the relationship with substantial political, economic and technological value.

Our positive reaction to the new US strategic framework unveiled by President Bush on May 1 reflected our belief in its potential to move us away from the offensive posture of the Cold War era to a safer, defensive alternative. We particularly welcomed his intention to reduce and place on de-alert strategic nuclear weapons because this was consonant with our own commitment to global disarmament.

Concerns about India's nuclear programme have fortunately been allayed. Our nuclear tests of 1998 were a response essentially to the deteriorating security environment in our region. Even as we maintain a minimum credible nuclear deterrent, we have declared a voluntary moratorium on all further explosive nuclear underground testing. The international community should be assured that India does not consider nuclear weapons as instruments of war. Our policy will be governed by considerations of restraint and responsibility.

We welcome the lifting of the economic restrictions imposed by the United States in the wake of our nuclear tests three years ago. We hope that we would soon be able to move beyond other constraints that have been in place before 1998. These gestures would enable our two countries to move forward in developing a fuller, broad-based and more meaningful relationship. rade and investment have become the sinews of our new dynamic partnership with the United States. Our bilateral trade, which has grown impressively in the last few years, is today close to US$15 billion. Several measures have been taken recently to widen the trade access that each has to the other. The US is also the largest foreign investor in India. There is much that both countries can do to build further upon this great mutuality.

Over the last decade, our economy has grown at an average annual rate of six per cent. The Government of India has launched a second generation of economic reforms. In April this year, the last remaining quantitative restrictions were removed. Sectors such as power, telecommunications, transport and insurance have been opened up to private and foreign investment. The Information Technology sector has been growing at over 30 per cent and the software industry at an average of 50 per cent per year. The exciting prospect before us is the emergence of the Knowledge Revolution, which India's ancient genius is well qualified to lead. Concern expressed in some quarters that the impulse for reform in India is weakening is misplaced. There is a strong political consensus in favour of reform, which is now irreversible. India has demonstrated that even in developing countries, economic reform can be pursued through the democratic process. Our financial and juridical institutions are strong and responsive. India aspires to be a major participant in the global economy.

Economic development is critically dependent on peace and stability in our region. India's extended neighbourhood stretches from the Gulf of Hormuz to the Straits of Malacca. With our immediate neighbours, our policy has consistently been to develop our relations in an atmosphere of mutual trust and on the basis of mutually advantageous initiatives. As two of the oldest civilisations in the world, India and China have the potential to imbue their bilateral relationship with the sagacity that history has endowed their people with. We are confident of resolving our political differences with Pakistan and with other neighbours through a spirit of constructive bilateralism. It is in this spirit that our Prime Minister hosted President Musharraf recently for intensive talks in Delhi and Agra. Our approach is realistic. We believe that it is in the larger interests of our people to build upon areas of convergence, even as we work towards progress in the more difficult areas.

India has historical links with Afghanistan. The statues of Buddha at Bamiyan which the Taliban destroyed a few months ago, were manifestations of India's cultural diffusion in that region. Until the advent of the Taliban, India was a major contributor to Afghanistan's socio-economic development. Thousands of Afghan refugees continue to seek shelter in India. The bombing of the US Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania three years ago and the hijacking of an Indian Airlines aircraft in December 1999 led to the setting up of a consultative mechanism between India and the United States on counterterrorism. This cooperation was made institutional in the Vision Statement signed during former President Clinton's visit to India in March last year. It has intensified and gained momentum under the present Administration.

Since September 11, India and United States have consulted closely on the response to the attack against America. Prime Minister Vajpayee and President Bush have exchanged written and telephonic messages. The Minister for External Affairs and Defence Mr. Jaswant Singh, and the National Security Adviser Mr. Brajesh Mishra, held intensive consultations in Washington with President Bush and his Cabinet members and advisers. Secretary of State Colin Powell will visit India early next week. India and the United States are agreed that India has a vital role to play in helping the people of Afghanistan elect a broad-based representative government that will no longer be an exporter of terrorism.

As the campaign against terrorism progresses, we need to look beyond an agenda bound by the more urgent issues. A resurgent Asia offers us both opportunities and challenges. For us in India, Asia has always been a distinctive region, comprising nations who share millennia of history. My Prime Minister's visits earlier this year to Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia and Iran were intended to emphasise our interest in ensuring the well-being and prosperity of the people in India's extended neighbourhood. Beyond the economic convergence, our security interests are also closely aligned with the region that borders our territorial waters and which forms a gateway to many important destinations for our exports. India and the US have a strategic interest in ensuring peace and the security of sea lanes in the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf. India will be a force for stability and an important factor in Asia in this century.

India-US cooperation in the ASEAN Regional Forum is a vital element in our endeavour to achieve common objectives in the region. Our decision last year to establish a dialogue on Asian security is a step in the right direction. We hope to build on this further. Gen. Shelton's visit to India in July provided an opportunity to review and discuss ways to further strengthen bilateral defence cooperation between India and the United States in consonance with our converging strategic interests in the region. The institutional dialogue on defence cooperation has been revived. A meeting of the Defence Policy Group is likely to take place in Delhi next month. We have also made progress towards concluding important bilateral agreements in this area.

The goals of peace and stability cannot be fully achieved until we are able to bring about a more cooperative and less inequitable world order. Despite the passage of the Cold War, the world remains deeply divided. The rifts created by the fault line of bloc confrontation have yet to be fully healed. Poverty and underdevelopment are endemic in large parts of the world.

The United Nations must be strengthened and become a repository of the confidence of all the nations in the world. India supports the move to reform the UN system. As a democratic country, India believes that the UN structures and institutions, particularly the Security Council, should be democratised and made more representative of its present vastly expanded membership. India believes it is fully qualified to fulfill the responsibilities of permanent membership of the Security Council.

The issues I have dwelt upon are but a few that are vital to the building of a prosperous world in the twenty first century. As free and vibrant democracies, India and the United States have succeeded in forging a bond that has helped them to relate with each other and with the rest of the world, in a manner that accommodates the legitimate aspirations and concerns of their people. We have the vision and commitment to work together to bridge the development gap and create an enabling environment for the realisation of an equitable world.

Thank you.
 


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