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Taliban in a new name?

Taliban in a new name?

Author: Satyabrata Rai Chowdhuri
Publication: The Daily Excelsior
Date: April 5, 2002

When a group of former Taliban officials decided to rerevive an Afghan political party, they held a news conference in Islamabad on 12 December. Their choice of a venue for the December announcement highlighted the presence of many ex-Taliban leaders who not only had sought refuge in Pakistan but also intended to resume political activities. To many analysts, the group's public presence in Pakistan understood this country's long history of support for the Taliban and Islamabad's uneasiness about the makeup of the new Afghan Government.

A number of top Taliban officials dissociated themselves from the movement in December, after the fall of the southern Afghan city of Kandahar, the last Taliban stronghold. The disidents quickly announced that they planned to revive an old political party called Jamiat Khudamul Furgan, or Association of the servants of the Quran. The party had merged with the Taliban after the latter swept into power in 1996.

The defectors, including three ex-Taliban deputy ministers and several top diplomats, describe themselves as moderates and say they support the United Nations-led peace process in Afghanistan and the Government of interim Prime Minister Hamid Karzai. But many in Pakistan and in the new Afghan Government are highly sceptical of the defectors, because they are operating out of Pakistan, which was the Taliban's Prime backer until the 11 September terrorist attacks on the United States.

"If they want to form a new party, they should do it on Afghan soil, not in Pakistan," said Ahmed Rashid, a Pakistani author and expert on the Taliban. "There is a whole grid of support for them here in Pakistan, but the question is: do they have support in Afghanistan?

"It's extremely dangerous to keep a second-tier level of Taliban leaders on Pakistani soil, who could at some point could be reactivated and cause serious problems for Pakistan and Afghanistan," Rashid said.

American officials say the group could pose a serious challenge to Karzai's Government, which assumed power in Kabul on 22 December and is struggling to exert its influence on parts of the country in its six-month mandate. "The new Government is very wary of them, and I doubt that it will see them as anything other than Taliban," said a US diplomat.

Leaders of the group said they support Karzai and want a voice in a future Afghan Government which will be determined by a loya jirga, or grand council of tribal elders and political figures. The Pushtuns, composing 40 per cent of the country's 22 mn people, formed the core support for the Taliban. "This is not an attempt to revive the Taliban," said Abdul Hakeem Mujahid, he Taliban's ambassador to Pakistan and one of the party's executive committee members. "We support Karzai but we want to have a say in the new Government and to represent the interests of Pushtuns."

At the news conference announcing the party's revival, leaders criticised the Bonn conference that led to the formation of the interim Government. Although they did not single out Karzai, who is a Pushtun, they argued that ethnic Taziks and Uzbeks-minority groups that joined the victorious Northern Alliance - are over-represented in the new administration. "This cannot be allowed to continue," they warned. This warning echoed Pakistan's concerns about the new Afghan Government. Since 7 October, Pakistan! Leaders have been arguing that in any new Government in 'Afghanistan the Pushtuns must play the dominant role. Pakistani officials were also highly auspicious of the Northern Alliance, which received military assistance from India - Pakistan arch rival.

Founded in 1966, Jamiat Khudamul Furqan was one of the first Islamic movement in Afghanistan which changed its name - Taliban - after entering into alliance with other groups during the guerrilla war against the Soviet Union during the 1980s. Among the party top leadership, only Ahmad Amin Mujadadi, an Islamic cleric, who was in Pakistan since the 1980s, was not associated with the Taliban. Mujadadi, who is the president of the group formed in December, acknowledged the historical links of the new party to the Taliban. "Most of the members of our party are former Taliban and many more are in close contact with us."

The group's other leaders include former Taliban deputy information minister Abdul Refrrani, deputy education minister Arsala Rahmani, ex-deputy minister of refuge rehabilitation Rahman Wahid Yar, ex-deputy chief justice Abdul Sattar Siddique and former ambassador to Saudi Arabia 'Habibullah Fawzi.

"The group will have a difficult time shedding its association with the Taliban. In fact, the group is Taliban in a new name. The World will never accept any group which consists of former Taliban officials. No matter how moderate views it professes, it is going to be guilty by association," says a professor of strategic studies at Quaid-I-Azam University in Islamabad.

Every member of the new group knows that 'Taliban, is now a dirty word and this word must be eschewed in order to fulfil their aim to recapture power in Afghanistan. It is no longer a secret that after the decision of the Bonn conference, intensive negotiations are under way between the country's new Prime Minister Hamid Karzai and the spiritual leader of the Taliban Mullah Muhammed Omar who believes that he is the man chosen to be Afghanistan's supreme leader. What is at issue between their negotiations are not known.

"I have been in discussions with very senior, the senior-most Taliban officials," said Karzai in a recent satellite telephone call. "I have received a message from Mullah Omar asking for amnesty for himself and some senior Taliban officials."

A senior Taliban official who is now in Peshwar is acting as an intermediary between Karzai and Omar. "I'm working on the peaceful transfer of power after the term of the six-month interim Government is over. I hope the transfer of power will be peaceful." Such optimism, however, is very unlikely, given frequently irreconcilable personal, tribal and religious interests. But the Taliban leaders, under the cover of a new name, is determined to return to power in Afghanistan.

Although Karzai is willing to provide amnesty for regular Taliban fighters that would let them return to their homes, the Bush Administration has expressed strong opposition to any deal which would permit any follower of Omar or bin Laden to walk free. In such a fluid and chaotic situation, the future of Afghanistan is far from certain.
 


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