Author: Book Review by M. V. Kamath
Publication: The Free Press Journal
Date: December 22, 2002.
Book :
Title - RSS Tryst with Politics
: From Hedgewar to Sudarshan
By - Pralay Kanungo :
Manohar Publishers, Delhi
Pages 314 : Rs.625/-
No url pls.
Debunking the fundamental Avataar
of the RSS The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is a probably the most
controversial if not hated and reviled organisation in contemporary India.
It has been called every vile name under the sun. Suffronist, communalist,
fundamentalist, fascist and if there can be anything worse, surely, our
'intellectuals' would be most happy top use that to damn the RSS.
What that does is to raise the question
: How many who hate the RSS really know anything about it ? What is the
source of its power and its undoubted popularity? Let this be remembered
: When Keshav Baliram Hedgewar started the organisation in Nagpur in 1925,
he could muster only five members. In 1931 it had only 60 shakhas. Five
years later it could boast of 200 branches and 25,000 members. By 1939,
it had 500 branches and 40,000 members. A year later it had expanded further
to have 700 branches and over 80,000 members. Since then the growth of
the RSS has been phenomenal. During the decade 1979-89, the number of Swayamsevaks
swelled from 10 lakhs to 19 lakhs and the number or shakhas increased to
25,000 spreading over 18,800 cities and villages. It now has 38 front organisations
and 50 lakh people are connected with their activities. What does that
say about its attractive power?
There have been very few serious
studies of the RSS despite its long presence in the country. Pralay Kanungo's
RSS Tryst with Politics is, for all intents and purposes, the first serious
study of the organisation though, as the bibliography appended to it would
show, there are over 250 words dealing with various aspects of this body.
Happily it is based on a doctoral dissertation and not on pre-conceived
notions.
A doctoral dissertation calls for
a certain amount of objectivity whatever be one's personal predilections.
It is this which gives Kanungo's work its special relevance, if not credibility.
Kanungo had, judging by what he says, the fullest cooperation of RSS leaders
and workers in Orissa.
The book itself is divided into
seven chapters. First there is a description of the historic context in
which the RSS was born, evolved and flourished. Another chapter draws the
outline of the organisational structure and training process of the RSS.
A third chapter attempts to understand the ideology of Hindu Rashtra. The
fourth chapter seeks to explain how the RSS has been homogenising the Hindus
as they are not a monolith. Yet another chapter highlights how Balasaheb
Deoras has established the RSS as an important political player in national
politics. The next chapter discussed how Rajendra Singh ( Rajjubhayua)
continued with Deoras experiment and facilitated the BJP to control Delhi.
An attempt is also made to understand
the take-over by K.S. Sudarshan as the new chief. Whether he has correctly
represented the character of the RSS is for its spokesman to proclaim.
What remains unquestionable is the research that has gone into this work,
which quotes special scientists in extenso. bMark Juergensmeyer, for example
insists that the word 'fundamentalist' is an inadequate expression to describe
the RSS considering that "first the term is pejorative, less descriptive
and more accusatory" reflecting an attitude towards it than a description
of it. Well said. Kanungo quotes Deoras as denying the charge of fundamentalism
on the ground that while fundamentalists accept the 'holy book' as the
'literal truth', the RSS does not have such book.
Is the RSS Fascist? Kanungo quotes
some writers as believing so but then he also quotes Nanaji Deshmsukh as
saying that unlike fascism, the RSS does not advocate a totalitarian state,
that it believes in democracy and moreover that its cultural nationalism
is not chauvinistic, but tempered with Hindu traditions. In addition, Deshmukh
is quoted as saying that the RSS shuns publicity and believes in non-violence.
Yet another intellectual and a foreigner besides, Christopher Jaffrelot
is quoted as saying : "As distinct from Nazism, the RSS's ideology treats
society as an organism with a secular spirit which is implanted not so
much in the race as I socio-cultural system and which will be regenerated
over the course to both Italian fascism and Nazism, the RSS does not rely
on the central figure of the leader". And Achin Vanaik is quoted as saying
that while the fascist state in India would necessarily be Hindu nationalism,
the Hindu nationalist state would not necessarily be fascist.
The point is made that the RSS defines
the Indian nationalist as a whole and does not claim to represent one community
fighting others in India. The constitution of the RSS claims that "the
Sangh, as such, has no politics and is devoted to purely cultural work"
but Kanungo does not accept that at face value. He identifies the politics
of the RSS as Hindutva and the creation of a Hindu Rashtra. What this book
does is to look meaningfully into the thinking of the RSS in regard to
several matters such as relationship with minorities, mostly Muslim and
Christian, the concept of secularism, problems relating to untouchability
and reservations for SC/STs, caste hierarchies, tribals, religio-political
strategy to capture power, Mandalism, militancy, Swadeshi .name it and
Kanungo had dealt fairly comprehensively on the subject.
Kanungo raises many questions. Is
the RSS revivalist? Is it 'modern' in its approach and thinking? Ashish
Nandy is quoted as saying that Hindutva merely mimics 19th century European
nationalism while Peter van der Veer is reported as saying the Sangh parivar
does not revolt against modernity but, in fact, is an expression of it.
Towards the end Kanungo sums up his own thinking of the role and purpose
of the RSS. He writes: "Converting India into a Hindu Rashtra may remain
a distant dream. But there is no doubt that the politics and ideology of
the RSS is spreading at a faster pace incorporating new social groups and
regions. At many places Hindu traditions are giving way to Hindutva, tolerance
to violence and community consciousness to communal consciousness. The
RSS tryst with politics has reached a crucial stage with its control over
the state apparatus. Now it will consolidate its position further and using
state power it will try to control sphere of civil society. Political power
is not enough for the RSS; its real mission is Hindu hegemony". That is
easily said, but what, in practice, does Hindu hegemony signify? Kanungo
does not specify it in greater detail.
He speaks of the several dilemmas
that the RSS is faced and wonders whether the ideology of Hindu Rashtra
can make headway considering that it shows scant regard for the pluralistic
cultural traditions of Hinduism. As Kanungo sees it, the RSS stands for
a non-cultural Hinduism. Can it, then succeed? What the author provides
us is an insight into the complexities of the situation as it is which
is in itself a major contribution to the better understanding of soX-X-Mozilla-Status:
0009is the RSS today. One cannot be sufficiently thankful to him.
