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Can Indo-Pak talks bring in peace?

Can Indo-Pak talks bring in peace?

Author: M V Kamath
Publication: Sify News
Date: May 8, 2003
URL: http://sify.com/news/othernews/fullstory.php?id=13150019&vsv=76

What are the chances for Indo-Pak peace? Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee did the right thing when he clarified his call for peace with Pakistan made in Srinagar with a subsequent statement made in the Lok Sabha, that clearly said talks could only be held when crossborder terrorism ceases for good.

That clarification needed to be made considering that Pakistan- sponsored terrorism shows signs of abating. Close on the heels of the Nadimarg massacre of 24 Hindus, mostly women and children, come reports of more terrorist attacks. On April 15, six Lashkar militants were killed in Banihal in Doda district. On April 17, terrorists attacked a police post in Gool, Udhampur district killing one policeman. On April 18, three militants and a policeman were killed in Rajouri and another three killed in Yaripora in Anantnag. On April 20, 11 militants and a Superintendent of Police were killed. On April 22, five civilians were killed in a bomb blast in Tral while 17 militants were killed in Poonch and Rajouri.

And the Tral killings were at a time when Pakistan's Foreign Minister Khurshid Mahmood Kasuri was loudly proclaiming that Pakistan "does not want cross-border activity" since violence in Jammu & Kashmir against civilians was against Pakistan's interests and was totally counter-productive.

Kasuri spoke loftily of peace. Strongly commending Vajpayee's call for peace, he said: "I an an optimist. I like to take things at face value, for that is the only way to approach a situation with an open heart and an open mind. If one starts suspecting motives, we won't be able to go anywhere."

The thrust of his and later Musharraf's thinking is put in two words: "Trust us." Trust Pakistan? Trust a nation which went to war against India three times? Trust a military leadership which was planning Kargil when Vajpayee had gone to Lahore to talk peace? What kind of people do Pakistani leaders think run India? And who believes that Pakistan has no hold over the terrorists who are playing havoc in Jammu Kashmir? If Pakistani leaders are honest then they should permit Indian planes to bomb those camps just beyond the limits of the Line of Control which are training infiltrators.

According to one report, there are over 2,500 Pakistan-trained militants in Jammu & Kashmir and about 4,500 more terrorists are either ready to enter India or are under training in Pakistan or Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.

Who does Kasuri think he is fooling? If Indian Ambassador to Washington, Lalit Mansingh has been correctly reported, he recently told a conference on Indo-US Relations at the University of California, Los Angeles that close to a 100 training camps have been spotted across the Line of Control, holding some 3,000 terrorists while an additional 1,500 trained terrorists are already on the Line of Control just waiting to slip across with the active assistance of the Pakistani Armed Forces.

Under the circumstances, it is some cheek on the part of Kasuri to say that Pakistan is not a party to violence. Pakistan is very much a party to terrorism and only someone who is either naive or a fool would take the Pakistan foreign minister at his word.

If India does not trust Pakistan, it is as a result of past experience. And yet Vajpayee was undoubtedly serious when he offered his hand of friendship to Islamabad.

How, then, is the matter to be settled? Kasuri says that Pakistan has been asking for UN monitoring of both sides of the Line of Control through a UN Military Observers Group. If India is unwilling to entertain a UN presence, Kasuri says Pakistan is willing to see the monitoring job done by "any five or six countries" agreed to jointly by both Delhi and Islamabad. He may have a point there.

For months now Pakistan has been asking for talks but India was adamantly opposed to them, using, in Kasuri's words "unacceptable words" and attaching pre-conditions.

Now while pre-conditions are still attached, Kasuri finds the language 'acceptable" and he thinks the "change in name is very important."

So where does that take us? Pakistan says that it is ready to nominate a senior official to discuss the agenda for "an unconditional and meaningful dialogue" if India is 'serious'.

A `senior official' is quoted as saying: "Pakistan places a high priority on reduction of tension and normalisation of relations with India. We believe that the only way forward in the interests of the over a billion people is through sincere, unconditional, meaningful and sustained dialogue addressing the key issues bedevilling relations between the two countries and poisoning the atmosphere for peace and security in the region." Great words.

Why is Pakistan so anxious for talks? If it is really interested in peace and tranquillity it has only to drop all claims to Jammu & Kashmir, halt cross-border terrorism and accept the Shimla and Lahore Agreements in toto. The matter ends there. It is possible that Musharraf cannot do the obvious for fear of jehadis and fundamentalists and wants the fig-leaf of talks and possibly third-party involvement, in the talks, so that he has an explanation to give to the fundamentalists.

If that is the case India should be gracious enough to help Musharraf out of his predicament. But this can only be done if all matters are settled prior to 'negotiations' and India knows exactly where it stands. Perhaps, too, both the United States and Russia should be brought secretly in the negotiations and, for all one cares, France, Britain and China as well, as Permanent Members of the Security Council.

India is rightly suspicious of UN intervention, but behind-the-scene intervention is not at all a bad idea. It is quite possible that Pakistan has realised that the game is up. Bleeding India with a 'thousand cuts' sounds terrible on paper, but there is no way India can give up Jammu & Kashmir and a million cuts still won't bleed India. That is for sure. And with the United States taking a dim view of cross-border terrorism even if this is not publicly stated, Pakistan surely realises that coming to terms with India is a better option than challenging it in open warfare.

According to military experts, Pakistan does not stand the ghost of a chance in any war with India, its nuclear armoury notwithstanding. According to Lt Gen K K Hazari, a former Vice Chief of Army Staff, writing in Dialogue (Vol IV No. 3), "the Indian military outnumbers by far the military resources that Pakistan can field in an Indo-Pak conflict," the 'nuclear bluster' notwithstanding.

Writes Gen Hazari: "Each of the Indian Army Corps tasked purely in the defensive role can muster more offensive weaponry (tanks, artillery, ICVs and Special Forces) than either of Pakistan's offensive formations and this in itself ensures that any offensive designs by Islamabad can be easily contained and destroyed."

Further more adds Gen Hazari: "what, however, tilts the equation in India's favour are its Air and Naval forces. Other than about 20 remaining F-16s (without the benefit of adequate spares), one newly commissioned Agosta Class submarine and a few overhauled frigates/destroyers from the UK., Pakistan's naval and air forces are dependent on old vintage weapon platforms that are comparable in quality or quantity with those fielded by India. Pakistani forces are outnumbered and outgunned in every sphere."

Then what is it that has prodded certain analysts in India to come forward with a negative prognosis of Indian military capabilities?

Gen Hazari ventures three possible reasons: One, a lack of understanding of how the military component, once it is brought into play, can best be used. Two, the inability to maintain the desirable level of coercive pressure on Pakistan for the duration of the period the that the military was mobilised forward in 2002 and three, the incapacity to accurately read Pakistan's nuclear strategic potential and to be carried away by western propaganda showing Pakistan's strategic forces in a more favourable light than India's.

After summing up all the pluses and the minuses, Gen Hazari writes: "What is important is that the military equation between India and Pakistan is weighted heavily in India's favour and that Gen Musharraf has no doubt that a decision to initiate a nuclear strike would signal the end of Pakistan and all his dreams. A decision he cannot afford to take knowing fully well that the Indian Defence minister was not bluffing when he promised that India's response would annihilate Pakistan.

The alacrity with which Pakistan had reacted to Vajpayee's call for negotiations even attached with pre-conditions indicates that the Pakistani military establishment is fully aware of its limitations.

According to Seling Harrison, a member of a US think-tank "despite clear evidence that Pakistan provided North Korea with nuclear technology, the United States is doing nothing either to punish Islamabad or to prevent it from continuing to help Pyongyang and equally important, from selling nuclear technology to other would-be nuclear powers like Saudi Arabia" (International Herald Tribune).

But how long can this indifference continue? According to Harrison, one should not underestimate Musharraf's "deep dependence on his US connection both for Pakistan's economic stability and for his personal political survival."

So, argues Harrison, the US must follow a carrot-and stick policy towards Pakistan which is probably what it plans to do if Musharraf does not come to terms with India. The question is: what sort of terms? Given the circumstances one can be sure that even as these words are being printed, serious discussions are going on behind the scene in Washington, Islamabad and New Delhi on how to settle the 55-year old quarrel between Pakistan and India. Obviously, then, one needs to carefully watch the pronouncements of leaders and officials of all three countries in the days and weeks to come. There can be no doubt that something is brewing and that may not necessarily turn out to be poison for India.
 


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