Author: Suhas Chakma
Publication: The Pioneer
Date: August 7, 2003
The last quit notice issued by the
Core Committee and the All Arunachal Pradesh Students Union (AAPSU) to
the Chakmas and Hajongs of Arunachal Pradesh to leave the State by July
31, 2003, could not have come at a more opportune time for the deposed
Chief Minister Mukut Mithi. It deflected attention over the handling of
the Tirap situation, which degenerated into a Centre-State conflict over
"Operation Hurricane" against the NSCN. The ultimatum was issued after
Chief Election Commissioner JM Lyngdoh read out the riot act on the rule
of law for enrollment of eligible Chakmas and Hajongs of Arunachal Pradesh.
Since the Arunachal Pradesh State Election Commission officials systematically
flouted the Delhi High Court judgement of September 28, 2000, by rejecting
the applications of the Chakmas and Hajongs on frivolous grounds, the CEC
had to issue an order for special revision.
Nonetheless, the Centre is as much
responsible for the continuing suffering of the Chakmas and Hajongs and
the increasing lawlessness against them by the State Government and private
groups. Deputy Prime Minister LK Advani had written numerous letters to
then Home Minister SB Chavan to grant citizenship to the Chakmas and Hajongs.
However, even after he took over, little has been done implement the Supreme
Court judgement. About 4,000 applications submitted through the MHA have
been gathering dust. The Ministry has also been sitting over the recommendations
made by the MHA team comprising then Special Secretary Dr Chenoy and Joint
Secretary GK Pillai after their visit to the Chakma and Hajong inhabited
areas on March 6-7, 1999. The team gave specific recommendations, including
increase of three seats of the State Assembly, to accommodate the migrants
without disturbing the existing 60 seats in order to dispel fears of the
local communities.
With elections in the State scheduled
for 2004, gruesome massacres cannot be ruled out. On July 11, 2003, AAPSU
activists threatened the Chakmas of Papumpare district with such massacres.
The demand for expulsion of the Chakmas and Hajongs is a saleable issue
in State politics. Former AAPSU president Sanjoy Ta-kam served as the spokesperson
and Education Minister in the previous Mukut Mithi Government. Mr Takam,
an Adi, was one of the contenders for chief ministership against Mr Mithi,
a Mishmi. The elevation of Mr Ta-kam is inspiring for the new AAPSU leaders.
It is a different matter that he was part of the crucial decision made
on granting citizenship to the 90 odd Tibetan families of Shyo village
living in Tawang district in 2002.
The AAPSU and the core committee
have threatened to approach the Supreme Court on the ground that the East
Bengal Regulation of 1873, popularly known as the Inner Line Regulation,
does not allow settlement of the Chakmas and Hajongs. The Supreme Court
has already rejected the appeal made by Mr John Meyong for the review of
the Supreme Court judgement on similar grounds. The Chakmas and Hajongs
did not violate any provisions of the regulation as they were settled in
Arunachal Pradesh by the Centre in consultation with the local authorities
at that time. The NHRC has described the demand as "inhuman and impractical".
Given the federal structure of India,
the Centre cannot force other State governments to accept the Chakmas and
Hajongs of Arunachal Pradesh - a problem created by the political leaders
of the State for their own benefit. When Mr Gegong Apang had earlier sought
to dump the Chakmas and Hajongs in Assam, the Assam Government passed "shoot
at sight" orders on the fleeing Chakmas and Hajongs in September 1994.
The Centre has even failed to convince the Mizoram Government to take back
its own Reangs sheltered in Tripura since 1997. In fact, the demands for
ouster of the Chakmas and Hajongs by the AAPSU and the State Government
are flawed, with dangerous implications for Arunachal Pradesh and India.
If the transfer of the Chakmas and Hajongs is undertaken, other north-eastern
states like Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura may indeed ask Aruanchal Pradesh
to take back hundreds of thousands of migrants who settled in their states
from then undivided India and East Pakistan. After all, Arunachal Pradesh
has the lowest density of 13 persons per sq km in the country, thus having
the capacity to accommodate more people.
Armed groups from Jammu & Kashmir
will demand ouster of the Kashmiri Pandits. Bodos can ask for withdrawal
of Adivasis settled in various parts of Assam since more than a century
ago. As if the conflict between Nagas and Kukis, Kukis and Paeties, Dimasas
and Hmars, Reangs and Mizos, Bodos and Adivasis, etc., were not enough,
a Pandora's box will be opened as the boundaries of the present north-eastern
states were not drawn until the British colonisation.
What is disconcerting is that all
human rights violations against the Chakmas and Hajongs are being perpetrated
in the name of indigenous peoples. The State Government, in an order vide
No CS/HOME/94 of November 21, 1994, directed the closure of the Anganwadi
schools in the Chakma and Hajong inhabited areas and withdrew many primary
and middle schools there. The MHA and the NHRC have failed to open schools.
Many civil society groups in the State condemnably support such repressive
practices.
It is essential that the rule of
law ultimately prevails over the political ambitions of a few student leaders
and the Opposition. The AAPSU and its political cronies have failed to
make a dent amongst the Simpoos, Khamtis, Thangsas, Ahoms, Deoris, Mishmis
and Noktes, the neighbouring communities of the Chakmas and Hajongs. The
recent bandhs and public meetings in the Chakma and Hajong areas failed
to evoke any response. As the "local consideration" turned out to be a
total hoax, the Centre should process citizenship applications of those
who migrated; and the Election Commission should register the eligible
voters who are citizens by birth.