Author: Pradip N. Thomas
Publication: Hamsa.org
Date:
URL: http://hamsa.org/pradip.thomas.htm
Even to suggest that there is a relationship
between the media and Christian Fundamentalism in Chennai, South India, might
seem odd to readers of Media Development, whose prior knowledge of the subject
is perhaps limited to the influence of the religious right-wing on the Bush
administration or/and the rise and fall of tele-evangelists such as Jimmy
Swaggart and in the recent past, the evangelist Ted Haggard, the president
of the 30 million member National Association of Evangelicals in the USA.
Some readers will have knowledge of the relationship
between the media, politics and religion in Brazil - the Tele Rede network
in Brazil owned by Edir Macedo and his Universal Church of the Reign of God,
and the ex-President of Zambia, Frederick Chiluba's brand of politicised,
conservative Christianity. But Christian fundamentalism in India has rarely
figured as an academic project except the study by Lionel Caplan (1987) 'Fundamentalism
as a Counter-Culture: Protestants in Urban South India', and in the recent
past, the investigative writing by Edna Fernandes (2006) 'Holy Warriors: A
Journey into the Heart of Christian Fundamentalism'.
The latter has sections on Christian Fundamentalists
in two states in India, Goa and Nagaland, and indicates that there are contested
issues arising from the practices of conservative Christianity in India. There
is, in the on-line world, a vast amount of information on the activities of
Christian groups in India on web-sites supported by the Hindu right-wing and
concerned secular groups with www.Christiansagainstaggression.org being the
most informative site that monitors the activities of Christian mission in
India.
While Muslims remain the major target for
Hindu nationalists, the rise of muscular Hinduism between 1980-2005, and in
particular, their involvement in government, led to the creation of national
projects and spaces directed towards the interrogation of religious minorities
inclusive of Christians, that were earnestly pursued by various groups within
the Sangh Parivar, particularly by diaspora Hindus based the USA.
The ex-Minister of Divestment, Communication
and Information Technology in India, Arun Shourie's (1994, 2000) critiques
of Christian mission lent this project academic respectability. Shourie's
trenchant account of historical and contemporary Christian mission, in particular
Catholic mission, is difficult to contest given that education and health
were and are used by a variety of Christian denominations, as entry points
for Christian conversion. The 'rice Christian' and of late the 'tsunami Christian'
is a reality in India.
While the historical churches in India, in
particular the Syrian Orthodox, have been chary of embarking on any aggressive
form of Christian expansionism, some post-colonial churches - Catholic and
Protestant - certainly have taken seriously the Biblical injunction to proclaim
the Word and to 'make all nations Christian'. While the traditions of mainstream
Christian mission, for the most part, continue to be carried out within the
larger framework of respect for religious pluralism and secularism and the
constitutional framework of respect for faith communities, the exponential
growth of Pentecostal and in particular neo-Pentecostal churches in India
over the last two decades has been accompanied by altogether more aggressive
projects of Christian mission.
These churches, para-churches, house churches,
Christian associations and networks that can be counted in the thousands all
over India share a number of characteristics:
1. They are independent of the mainstream
Christian churches in India.
2. In terms of numbers they can vary from
a handful of members who belong to a house church to an Assemblies of God
mega-church that has tens of thousands of members.
3. These churches are involved in catering
to niche groups - the urban poor, youth, the new rich.
4. They are not accountable to a synod or
to a larger authority, and as a result there is little or no oversight on
how moneys are spent.
5. They receive large amounts of foreign contributions.
6. Many are family-based and run.
7. While there are differences in style and
approach, these churches share certain 'fundamentals' - Biblical inerrancy,
the need to be 'born again', salvation for the elect, etc.
8. Many are involved in media ministries including
Christian broadcasting.
Why Chennai
I chose Chennai for my study because of a
familiarity with the city of my birth but also because the various denominations
representative of Protestant Christianity have had a significant historical
presence in the state of Tamilnadu. The Church of South India, the first expression
of the ecumenical movement, was established in Madras in 1948. The Pentecostals
have been around for decades (Burgess: 2001), so has Christian broadcasting
and this city today is considered the fastest growing hub of Christianity
in South Asia.
1. According to the 2001 census, 5.2% (3.8
million) of the 62 million people in Tamilnadu are Christian. This figure,
along with figures for the whole of India that suggests a decline in Christian
numbers between 1991 and 2001 (2.4 to 2.3%) is contested.
2. Southern Tamilnadu was the first mission
field in India to be actively wooed by Protestant missionaries starting with
the Tranquebar Mission that was established by the Royal Danish Missionaries
represented by two Germans Bartolomaus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Plutschau in
July 1706 (Hudson: 2000).
3. In terms of Christian revival, the first
recorded outpourings of the Spirit, manifestation of tongues and other gifts
was reported in 1860 at a mission in Tirunelveli in Tamilnadu (Hedlund: 2001)
4. It has had a strong presence of Pentecostal
churches and conservative forms of Christianity that led to the religions
scholar Lionel Caplan (1987) to write the first academic work on Christian
fundamentalism in India.
5. Tamilnadu had a strong anti-Brahmin movement
and traditions of tolerance that still remain. While North India and Central
India have witnessed a rise in anti-Christian feeling during the last two
decades, the South has remained relatively free of attacks on Christians.
The repeal of the anti-Conversion laws by the government of Tamilnadu promulgated
in 2002 and withdrawn in 2005 is an indication of the religious dynamics that
continue to favour minority communities unlike in North and West India where
the conflict between Christians and Hindus have become a lot sharper.
Christianity in contemporary Chennai
The changing nature of Christianity in India
during the last two decades is, to some extent, a reflection of the changing
nature of needs and expectations of people living in the context of accentuated
forms of economic globalisation. While India remains a predominantly agricultural
country, economic liberalisation, the discourse of Hindu nationalism, the
success of the IT economy and the media revolution have contributed to the
strengthening of an urban identity and to the re-creation of the image of
a new, self-assured and self-confident nation.
While there is no denying the successes of the Indian economy, its obverse,
including the adverse consequences of globalisation, has not made the news
to the extent that it should. The death of agriculture has led to migration
to already over-crowded cities, Structural Adjustment Policies have led to
the gradual withdrawal of government support for rural development, starvation-related
deaths are now commonplace, and divides between the rich and poor have become
extraordinarily pronounced in cities such as Mumbai and Bangalore.
New migrants to the cities formed the bulk
of the congregations of the early Pentecostal churches in Chennai. This trend
has continued although it is now complemented by settled congregations catering
to the needs of the urban upper and middle classes. Chennai and its suburbs
alone have upwards of 2500 churches - consisting of indigenous churches, house
churches and a variety of Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal churches which,
according to some observers, makes it the fastest growing hub of Christianity
in South Asia.
Numbers can of course be disputed - but the
sheer numbers of churches listed in church directories available in Christian
bookshops point to their growing presence. Raj & Selvasingh (2004: 10)
have observed that, 'Chennai is privileged to have the highest number of churches
of all the cities in South Asia.' In 1994 there were about 1,400 churches
in Chennai…in 1999…1864 churches…small churches (formed) 'by
the influence of the Pentecostals.' Mega churches include the New Life AOG
church in Saidapet, Chennai with its 35,000 members and 10,000 at a sitting
services.
The clearest evidence, however, of church
growth in Chennai is the Chennai Christian Directory (2000) which lists 3000
churches and parachurch organizations in this city inclusive of the Beulah
Church (8 churches), End Time Zion (14 churches), Marantha Full Gospel Church
(27 churches), Moving Jesus Mission (3 churches), Pillar of Fire Mission (6
churches), the Village Evangelism of Indian Mission (5 churches), Indigenous
Churches (645), Assemblies of God (120) among very many other churches in
Chennai. This directory also lists 46 Bible colleges, 23 Christian media centres,
122 Christian magazines in English and Tamil and 114 church planting missions.
There is every reason to believe that there has been a further growth in these
sectors of late.
Bourdieu in Chennai
In order to make sense of this reality, I
employed concepts from the French social theorist Pierre Bourdieu - field,
habitus, distinction, symbolic capital - to try and get to grips with this
contestation. In a sense it is not a visible, obvious, in your face kind of
contestation - but is a much more measured contestation represented in other
ways by mainstream accommodations with new forms of worship, the communication
of a specific all India Christian identity often by leaders of the new churches,
the presence of these new churches in every nook and corner of Chennai - posters,
rallies, conventions, coverage in the media, the post-colonial presence of
missionaries from the West and the strong presence of Christian broadcasting,
both transnational and domestic.
One of the interesting features of the new
church is their spatial presence in Chennai, their embrace of the official
city and the unintended cities, the rural in the urban, their being part of
and catering to a globalising Chennai and Chennaites (Prakash: 2002, Manokaran:
2005). There is a real sense in which Pentecostalism intrinsically is a religion
that was made to travel, for it is part of the flows of the global, as at
home in a crowded market area as in a gleaming Mall (Dempster et.al: 1999,
Cox: 1996).
Mendieta (2001:20), observes that '…religion
appears as a resource of images, concepts, traditions and practices that can
allow individuals and communities to deal with a world that is changing around
them,' in the midst of places and shopping, leisure and recreation, production
and consumption, an observation that captures the new church in changing Chennai.
The cell church movement in India is an organic expression of church growth
in the era of globalisation. Since church planting and the harvesting of souls
are fundamental objectives of the new churches, members belonging to tightly
knit cell churches are required to facilitate a viral replication of these
cells.
A number of these new churches may be called
indigenous churches responding to the fulfilment of local needs although as
many are influenced by the Health and Wealth Gospel linked to the Faith movement.
Stephen Hunt in a perceptive essay on the Health and Wealth Gospel, observes
that the success of this model relates to its value-addedness:
'…Pentecostalism serves to develop attributes,
motivations and personalities adapted to the exigencies of the de-regulated
global market. …it has integrated the urban masses into a developing
economy through the protestant work ethic and active citizenship…At the
same time, the mobile new professionals and the educated in mega-cities carry
a work ethic that results from a strict Pentecostal upbringing…The explanation
for the success of the Faith movement is that it can adapt itself to such
complexities. This makes it a global "winner"' (Hunt, 2000: 344).
Bourdieu's analysis of the role played by
culture in social domination and the specific concepts he invokes to study
the links between ideational and material power can be applied to understanding
a variety of societal fields, including that of religion. Bourdieu's project
of constructivist structuralism attempted to bridge the differences between
the objective and the subjective, between agency and structure, between cultural
idealism and historical materialism and was an attempt to theorise the mutually
constitutive connectivities between social structures and actors.
Bourdieu, like Weber, Durkheim and Marx, was
of the opinion that religion was a declining institution. While Bourdieu did
not value religion as anything more than an aspect of false consciousness
and his interest in religion is not as developed as that of his other concerns
including art and culture, a number of his key concepts, inclusive of 'belief',
'distinction', 'field' and 'habitus' are derived from his readings of Max
Weber or based on his observations of the culture of Catholicism in France
(Dianteill: 2003).
Bourdieu's relatively unknown study, Genesis
and Structures of the Religious Field (1991: 9) is the only work that I have
come across in English that is explicitly concerned with the relationship
between the religious field, symbolic capital and religious power.
The cultivation of 'distinction'
Bourdieu's emphasis on the cultural basis
for 'distinction' seems particularly apt to understanding mediated forms of
Christianity in India today. There is a nation-wide platform (televisual)
for the mediation of 'distinctiveness' - and it is being mobilised to create
distinctions between the old and the new, the old church and the new church,
new doctrine as opposed to old doctrine, new sources of Biblical authority
and the validity of interpretations, new understandings of the qualities of
a pastor to the legitimisation of the objectives of Christian ministry and
the individual's relationship with God.
This distinctiveness is not only reflected
in the personal grooming and rhetorical styles adopted by evangelists and
tele-evangelists but his/her complete symbolic repertoire. Tele-evangelists,
such as Benny Hinn and others, in an elemental sense have reclaimed a belief
in religion as fundamentally about using magical powers to effect healing,
restoration and reconciliation. In Weber's way of thinking, magic was the
basis for early forms of religion that depended on a magician's coercion of
the divine for human ends.
The advent of organised religion led to the
superseding of magic and the magician and to the establishment of an extensive
metaphysics of religion. As Weber (1963: 30) has pointed out, 'The full development
of both a metaphysical rationalisation and a religious ethic requires an independent
and professionally trained priesthood, permanently occupied with the cult
and with the practical problems involved in the cure of souls.'
However, despite the institutionalisation
of organised religion, reliance on magic as the basis for delivery from the
chains of the devil has remained a potent sub-text in all the major religions
and in the many religious cultures and traditions found throughout the world.
Mainstream Protestant Christianity's overt rationalisation of its faith, its
denial of alternative, popular expressions of healing and its inability to
deal with the 'unexplainable' - has been exposed as wanting and out of touch,
particularly so in the context of the rise of tele-evangelists, who have,
by their reliance on magic, contributed to what one might call the 're-enchantment'
of Christianity.
One can argue that 'healing' is among the
most distinctive features shared by the tele-evangelists and neo-Pentecostal
preachers and this makes their ministry different from that followed by other
ministries. Healing connects to the spirit world, to malevolent forces that
play a significant role in the lives of people living in globalised contexts
throughout the world. The recognition of evil in the world of the everyday
allows for a continuation of belief in the presence of evil - the principalities
and powers that are graphically described in the language of the Bible.
It also connects to the belief in the supernatural
that remains a residual element in the lives of Hindu converts to Christianity.
The power to heal is a powerful draw and especially so in a globalised world
where access to healing is mediated by professionals. In the Indian context,
there has always been space for faith-based healing and healers although Christian
evangelists are responsible for making faith healing a public spectacle.
In Bourdieu's way of thinking, these elements
of distinctiveness are implicated in a politics of power that works through
a 'misrecognition of (their) material interests' (Swartz, 1996: 3). Tele-evangelists
such as Benny Hinn, Kenneth Copeland, Sarah and Peter Hughes, Sam Chelladurai,
Brother Dhinakaran and others, communicate themselves as persons chosen by
God to do God's command, often through a highly personalised repertoire of
unique, oftentimes idiosyncratic, symbolic capital that is communicated via
expressive styles and methods of audience identification. Such attempts at
identification are often highlighted at the expense of the often intense materiality
of these enterprises.
This disconnect is powerfully visible in the
living histories of numerous evangelists and tele-evangelists in India today
whose self-interest has been made invisible by many layers of mediated pietistic
purposefulness. Television has been used to cultivate 'disinterestedness'
as for instance Benny Hinn's frequent confirmations that God is the healer
not him or the more disingenuous advertisements on God TV fronted by Indians
who claim that the funds are required solely for the greater glory of God's
ministry and plan for India.
This misrecognition is reflected in what is
a common sub-text shared among many Christians and people of other faith in
India that Benny Hinn, and other tele-evangelists, whatever their shortcomings,
are God's representatives on earth. They have been blessed. There is a misrecognition
of the real connections between the other-worldly metaphysics of these preachers
and the very real-world materiality of their ministries.
What Weber and Bourdieu have tried to stress are the correspondences between
the exercise of religion and the exercise of power, the exercise of ritual
power as an exercise of material power.
Christian television in Chennai
There are five avenues for Christian television
in India. 1) The occasional space on the national broadcaster Doordarshan
for Christian programmes; 2) Transnational satellite channels including GOD
TV, CBN, TBN, MiracleNet, and Daystar TV that are available on cable; 3) Christian
programming on a variety of secular cable channels available throughout the
country on Raj TV, Zee TV, Vijay TV and numerous other channels; 4) stand
alone indigenous Christian cable channels such as Blessing TV, Angel TV, Shalom
TV, Jeevan TV and others; 5) Web-based telecasting for instance Jesus Calls'
'Num.TV'. Webcasting remains an evolving reality in India with limited audiences.
Indian Christian channels
Angel TV
Blessing TV
Jesus TV
Shalom TV
Jeevan TV
New Hope TV
Grace TV
Manna Channel
TamilTV
|
Trans-national Christian broadcasters
God Channel/TV
Daystar
MiracleTV
Christian Broadcasting Network
Trinity Broadcasting Network
TCT World
EWTN
|
Secular channels featuring Christian
programming
Teja TV
Maa TV
Z Marathi
Vijay TV
Podhigai
Tamilan TV
AsiaNet/Asianet Global
Raj TV
Alpha One
Win TV
ETV-2
Namma Cable
Star Vijay
Raj Digital Plus
ETC TV
Star News
SAB TV
Sony YV
Jaya TV
DD1
SS Music
Sakthi TV
Zee Kannada
Namma Cable TV
Alpha Bengali
Nayuma Cable TV
|
Status of Christian TV in ChennaiDuring the research that I conducted in Chennai,
it became clear that among English speaking middle classes, GOD TV and Daystar
TV, were the two transnational Christian channels that had audiences in Chennai.
However, these audiences remain small. While GODTV maintains that it is available
in 216 major and minor cities in India - from Aizawl, Mizoram in North East
India to Trivandrum, Kerala which is located close to the tip of South India,
with a total audience reach of 21 million, the Nielsen-owned audience rating
company TAM Media Research India's February 2006 viewing figures for GOD TV
reveal that it has a total reach of 3.9 (4.6%) million homes out of an all
India wide market of 85 million cabled homes.
GOD TV's audience figures for Chennai of 150,000
viewers (3.53%) out of an estimated 4.2 million cabled homes is not exactly
flattering. Daystar's TV Chennai figures of 270,000 viewers is only marginally
better. A third transnational channel, MiracleTV, whose offices are situated
in Chennai, fared even worse on TAM ratings. While they have no presence in
Chennai, their all-India reach for the said period was 600,000 (0.7%).
A number of Christians involved in this industry
were of the opinion that for the purpose of 'reaching the unreached', a stand-alone
Christian channel's chances of recruiting audiences was severely limited by
the fact that 1) there literally are hundreds of channels vying for audiences;
2) in a primarily 'Hindu' country, a channel dedicated to furthering the project
of Global Christianity had limitations; and 3) English-only programmes have
restricted reach.
It is for this reason that many independent
Christian producers such as Good News TV and Jesus Calls produce Indian-language
based programmes for premier local channels. While Jesus Calls programmes
are available on GOD TV in English five days a week, the bulk of their programmes
are on a host of local channels in local languages, Sahara One TV, Star Vijay,
Win TV, Raj TV, Surya TV, Asianet TV, Namma Cable, Alpha Bengali, ETV-2 and
others. This makes sense for Raj TV's February 2006 viewership figures for
Chennai was 3.6 million (85.3%) of the cable audience in Chennai.
GOD TV in Chennai
GOD TV was established by a UK-based South
African couple, Rory and Wendy Alec in 1995. In 2004, they moved their broadcast
office to Israel and today it is a 24-hour, global channel available throughout
the world. As their tag line states, 'broadcasting from the Holy Land to the
ends of the earth'. With seven separate feeds, carried on 12 satellites, plus
a further three non-contracted satellites, the GOD Channel is currently broadcast
around the world to 275 million people in more than 200 nations and territories.
As the founders exult in Armageddon-speak (2005: 20), 'The darkness across
the heavenlies of Britain and Europe had been pierced and the first bastion
taken - the years 1995-2005 were to be a death blow to the devil's hold on
the media, opening up the airways for the Gospel and sending the forces of
darkness reeling.'
Endorsed by Pat Robertson, Joyce Meyer, Crefilo
Dollar, Dhinakaran, Benny Hinn and other 'healing' and 'prosperity' evangelists,
the GOD Channel is a slick, Christian channel that features 21 ministries
of recognised tele-evangelists including Kenneth & Gloria Copeland, Jesse
Duplantis, Billy Graham, Benny Hinn and others, praise and worship programmes
that include Christian rock and gospel (Dream On TV) and the Australia-based
Hillsong TV, magazine programmes, news and current affairs programmes, counselling
programmes, celebrity interviews, review of the arts and programmes for children
including the Bed Bug Bible Gang and the Story Keepers.
All this in order to extend their vision expressed
thus:
'With a servant's heart we will equip His
Body to reach the lost through media. This ministry exists to enable every
television household to hear the gospel of Jesus Christ so that they may believe
in Him, call upon His name, and be saved.'
There are a handful of Indian evangelists
on the God Channel including Sam Chelladurai ( Apostlic Fellowship Tabernacle,
Chennai), Paul Thangiah (Full Gospel Assembly of God, Bangalore) and Dhinakaran
(Jesus Calls, Chennai). But the majority are US-based. Apart from these Indian
evangelists the only Indian presence is the regular evening solicitation for
funds presented by Indians. As the Regional Director for Asia, Middle East
and AustralAsia explains:
'As more channels crop up and crowd the limited
bandwidth in India, cable operators have hiked prices and are unwilling to
negotiate…Our needs are great….thank you for your assurance of partnering
us on a monthly basis.'
Further research opportunities
This article highlights fragments from a study
of Christian Fundamentalism and the Media in Chennai currently being written
up by the author. The Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal turn in India offers
a plethora of research opportunities. There is a need to understand India
as a conduit for global-local flows of Pentecostalism and neo-Pentecostalism,
the presence of new Christianity in globalising India, the Christian religious
commodity circuit in India, meaning-making and the consumption of mediated
religious products, the political economy of Christian media production, the
contested nature of Christianity in India, and last but not least, the politics
of Christian separatism.
Equally importantly and against the tendency
for churches to establish their own broadcasting outlets, there is an urgent
need to establish the presence of inter-faith cable and satellite television
in India.
References
1. Albert, S.V. (2000), Chennai Christian
Directory, Church Growth Association of India, Chennai.
2. Bourdieu, P (1991), 'Genesis and Structures
of the Religious Field' (1-44), Comparative Social research, Volume 13.
3. Burgess, S. M. (2001), 'Pentecostalism
in India: An Overview' (85-98), Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies, 4, 1.
4. Caplan, L (1987) 'Fundamentalism as a Counter-Culture:
Protestants in Urban South India (156-176) in Caplan, L. (Ed.) Studies in
Religious Fundamentalism, Macmillan Press, Basingstoke/London.
5. Cox, H. (1996), Fire from Heaven: The Rise
of Pentecostal Spirituality and the Reshaping of Religion in the Twenty-first
Century, Cassell.
6. Dempster, M.W., Klaus, B. D., Petersen,
D. (1999), Eds., The Globalisation of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel,
Regnum, Carlisle.
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and the Sociology of Religion: A Central and Peripheral Concern', (529-549),
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8. Fernandes, E.(2006), Holy Warriors: A Journey
into the Heart of Indian Fundamentalism, Penguin Books, New Delhi.
9. Hedlund, R. E. (2001), 'Previews of Christian
Indigenity in India' (213-230), Journal of Asian Mission, 3, 2.
10. Hudson, , D. D. (2000), Protestant Origins
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Company, Grand Rapids, Michigan/Cambridge, UK, & Curzon Press, Richmond,
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11. Hunt, S (2003), 'The Alpha programme:
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of Rights/ A Question of Power (1-19), Electronic Journal of Sociology, Accessed
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14. Mendieta, E (2001), 'Invisible Cities:
A Phenomenology of Globalisation from below' (7-26), City, 5, 1.
15. Partner Connect: India a Beautiful Pearl
in God's Eyes, http://www.god.tv/Archive/200608-India/ Accessed November 29.
16. Prakash, G (2002), 'The Urban Turn' (2-6),
Sarai Reader.
17. Raj, V. S. & Selvasingh, J. W. (2004),
'Churches in Chennai: Characteristics of Churches in Chennai' (10), Ethne,
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Continuities, Changes, Dilemmas, Rupa & Co., New Delhi.
19. Shourie, A (2000), Harvesting Our Souls:
Missionaries, their Design, their Claims, ASA Publications, New Delhi.
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21. Weber, M. (1963), The Sociology of Religion,
Boston, Beacon Press.
- Pradip Ninan Thomas is an Associate Professor at the School of Journalism
& Communication, University of Queensland, Australia. He is currently
involved in completing a manuscript on Christian Fundamentalism and the Media
in Chennai. In 2006 he co-edited publications with Jan Servaes - Intellectual
Property Rights and Communications in Asia: Conflicting Traditions, (Sage),
and Issac Mazondei - Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Intellectual Property
Rights: Perspectives from Southern Africa (CODESRIA).
Courtesy: The World Association for Christian
Communication
