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Ever since Uttar Pradesh politician Arjun Singh Badoria initiated
him into politics almost four decades ago, Mulayam Singh Yadav has
risen steadily from the college union room to South Block.
A popular leader in the Yadav-dominated Etawah district of central
Uttar Pradesh, the former pahelwan grappled his way to centrestage
as a confidant of Socialist leaders Ram Manohar Lohia and Raj
Narain, His proximity to the late Chaudhary Charan Singh earned him
his first ministerial berth in the Ram Naresh Yadav-led Janata Dal
government as co-operation minister. That was in 1977. In spite of
losing the next assembly election in 1980, Mulayam Singh was
elected to the Legislative Council.
Yadav saw his chance to take over the Lok Dal as Charan Singh's
health began failing. He soon moved past a host of senior leader
like Satyapal Yadav, Rajendra Singh, and Ram Naresh Yadav, and
finally got the better of the Chaudhury's own son. Ajit Singh, to
grab the chief minister in 1989.
When the age of coalitions dawned on Indian politics, Mulayam Singh
played his cards well, till the Bahujan Samaj Party pulled him out
of the chair. But with the United Front capturing the Centre,
Mulayam Singh began eyeing a prime position in New Delhi. He was
persuaded by West Bengal Chief Minister Jyoti Basu not to press for
the home portfolio, but to settle for the "equally important"
defence ministry. And political observers, who had often accused
Singh of being one of the prime patrons of the mafia politics in
Uttar Pradesh, thought that would keep him away from trouble.
But the portfolio has failed to pin Mulayam Singh to the mat, and
he is scheming once again to take his Samajwadi Party back to power
in Lucknow. Yadav is clear on one thing: he wants to rule his home
turf and is not prepared to accept anyone else's advice - much less
dominance - even if that advice comes from his own prime minister.
Shivani Singh got a chance to discuss the Uttar Pradesh imbroglio
with Yadav en route to Bhopal where he relaunched his party this
week amidst much fanfare. Excerpts from the in-flight interview:
Do you think a government can be formed in Uttar Pradesh? Which
combination do you predict?
I see no prospects of a majority government in UP. We are very
clear that we are not in a majority. We are seeking Congress
support to form the government. But Samajwadi Party will not go for
Bahujan Samaj Party support in any circumstance.
If all the parties had fought the elections against the communal
forces [read, the BJP] and if we were sincere in our efforts, the
UF could have formed a government with Congress and BSP support.
The BSP should have lent us support instead of asking us to support
them. This goes to show how spineless the BJP is in its
non-communal disposition.
But we are not desperate to form the government like the
unscrupulous BSP and BJP. The Samajwadi Party has shown the world
that it is a non-communal force. We had 110 MLAs and could claim
four seats, in the Rajya Sabha. But we accepted only three because
our aim was to defeat the BJP.
But shouldn't the governor have invited the BJP, the single largest
party, to form the government in accordance with the precedent set
by the President?
UP's case is different. Atal Behari Vajpayee had submitted a list
of MPs to the President explaining how it [the BJP] planned to go
about gathering support. In UP, they did not submit any such list.
What guarantee did they have that they would be able to establish
a majority?
When Home Minister Indrajit Gupta stated that anarchy is spreading
in UP, you were the first to rush to the governor's rescue.
There is no anarchy. On the contrary, the situation is better.
The BJP has raised a hue and cry about the incident [party
politician Brahm Dutt Dwivedi's murder in Farrukhabad] because they
have no other weapon to hit us with. In fact, they are responsible
for the present state of affairs. In 1991, they formed the
government in UP. They took out a rath yatra and demolished the
Babri Masjid. Now you decide who led the state on the path of
anarchy.
When we formed the government in 1993, they brought it down after
four-and-a-half months by conspiring with the BSP. It has been
President's rule ever since. Very soon, the BJP will be exposed in
Parliament.
There hasn't been a single riot. Crime has come down. There is
social harmony in UP despite the BSP's casteist politics and the
BJP's Mathura and Kashi issues which did not prove very fruitful.
But the BJP holds you responsible for Dwivedi's murder....
I don't want to comment on this. I have sympathy for the bereaved
family, [pauses] I was even invited to Dwivedi's tehraawee (13th
day rites). Why would the family invite me if they held me
responsible for the murder?
It is like the pot calling the kettle black. How does the BJP
account for the Bombay riots? What do they have to say about Datta
Samant's murder? All it does is nag about anarchy in UP and
Dwivedi's murder, conveniently forgetting what is happening in its
own rule.
The BJP is not co-operating with the governor because he did not
ask it to form the government. Your comment.
The BJP is perturbed that it is not being invited to form the
government. They hold the governor responsible for this. So they
have been targeting him. Whenever the governor has taken a
decision in the absence of a government, the BJP has rushed for his
scalp, calling it undemocratic. Actually, they want to target the
Samajwadi Party through the governor. Why can't they make it clear
that they want the BSP's support?
Are you waiting for the Supreme Court verdict? How important is it
to you?
Yes, we are awaiting the verdict. Only the Supreme Court can clear
the situation. As long as the matter is under court scrutiny, the
assembly will not be dissolved.
Do you want a fresh election? Are you ready for it? No, we do not
want any more elections. There have been four elections already -
in 1989, 1991, 1993, and 1996 - with no worthwhile results. Both
the contestants and the voters are sick of elections. Even if they
are held, we do not have the energy to contest them.
Even if the Congress supports the SP, you will still be short of a
majority. How will you manage to secure the remaining MLAs? By
breaking the BJP or the BSP?
I won't disclose that. But I assure you, I will find a way out. Not
until we get 80 MLAs on our side will we make this move.
Uttar Pradesh politician and former minister Ammar Rizvi had
proposed an all-party government. It's said that you are behind
this move. How true is this?
It's an excellent proposal. His only aim here is to prevent an
undue election. But he never consulted me before floating the
idea. So I can't possibly be behind this.
The UF government and even the prime minister have urged you to
form the government with the BSP and make Mayawati the chief
minister. The Congress has said the same. Why don't you give in?
The UF has never said anything like this to me. Yes, the Congress
has been insisting on this on the grounds that she is a Dalit
woman. But it is wrong on their part to do so. I will not give in
to these demands.
Ever since you broke up with the BSP, you have begun to lose Dalit
support. How do you plan to mobilize it again?
If we had lost the Dalit votes, how could we have managed 20 MLAs
from outside? Our party has made its mark as a national party in
the last four years. We enjoy support from all castes and
religions. There's no question of mobilizing a particular caste.
But there are strong allegations of you and your party having a
casteist disposition....
We are samajwadi, not jatiwadi. Had I been casteist, I wouldn't
have given our party's Rajya Sabha seats to Azam Khan, a Muslim,
Amar Singh, a Thakur, and B S Ramoowalia, a Sikh, but to someone of
my own caste.
But you are held responsible for the "Yadavization" of the Uttar
Pradesh police and other departments as chief minister.
After the Mandal Commission report was implemented, it was obvious
that the backward classes would come forward. Yadavs were in a
majority among the backwards in UP. So their number in these jobs
was more. As far as the police goes, they [Yadavs] were already
there in large numbers, even before the reservation came about..
Despite your party's anti-communal disposition, it has not really
been able to make a mark as a national party. Why?
This is not true. In four years of our existence, we have
definitely made our mark in national politics. I agree we are
concentrated in UP, but we have four MLAs each in Bombay and
Calcutta and one in Himachal Pradesh. We are trying to expand to
other parts of the country because people want us and trust us. We
have made a move in Madhya Pradesh.
What future do you see for the third force and the UF government?
At this point of time, the circumstances are such that there can be
no majority government. The situation will remain the same even in
the coming elections. So the United Front will prove to be the most
successful experiment. The future of the third force is bright as
the Congress is losing ground and the BJP is not able to gain a
majority.
But with the kind of wranglings that are going on within the UF,
isn't its very future in doubt?
It is true that there are disagreements among the parties. But you
must understand that this is a 13-party force. These parties have
not merged, but have their own entities. But as such, the UF does
not face any serious threat. So there is no question of a mid-term
poll.
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