|
|
|
As we are preparing ourselves to celebrate the golden jubilee of
India's independence, there are moves to nullify it also. Recently
Muslim radicals under the banner of Milli Parliament at Hubli in
Karnataka resolved to launch a separate Muslim political party to
accomplish an "unfinished Islamic agenda". The Milli Parliament
also released a "Muslim manifesto" according to which the last 50
years have been "lost years" for Indian Muslims. The manifesto
further says that Abul Kalam Azad committed a "political blunder of
unprecedented magnitude" when he rejected the idea of an
independent Muslim political party at the 1948 Lucknow convention
because it later paved the way for the "political supremacy of
Kuffar (Hindus) and Mushrekeen" (dominant Muslim leadership). It,
therefore, talks of establishing a world Khilafat based on Islamic
Sharia. Similar demands were made in a series of conferences
organised by students Islamic movement (SIM) in Mumbai last year.
Three Issues
Today this demand assumes tremendous significance. Perhaps for the
first time in independent India religion-based demand is being
articulated vociferously in an alternative-parallel language.
During the first three and half decades after 1947 the major
problem for Muslims was communalism. They felt insecure about
their identity, which was reflected primarily in three issues
minority character of Aligarh Muslim University, Urdu and, Muslim
Personal Law. All these demands were, however, directed at the
state. Solution to the demands was, therefore, also sought within
the existing political system which they thought was ignoring their
identity.
>From mid-'80s an altogether new phase began when all three issues
seem to lose their significance. This phase culminated in the
incident of December 6, 1992, which elicited mainly three responses
from Muslim community - political apathy, apprehension about the
practice of secularism and religious extremism, for example the
Hubli demand.
The new phase marks the changed mood among a powerful section of
Muslims. Following December 6, there prevailed a short period of
lull and confusion. Soon various organisations, old as well as new,
intensified their activities. The predominant thrust of all these
organisations, be it Milli Parliament, SIM or students Islamic
Organisation (SIO), was to mould opinion in favour of Islam, as an
all-encompassing worldview. The new issues therefore are world
Khilafat and global kingdom of God. Khilafat, for instance, as a
concept Is opposed to secular nationalism which both for SIM and
Milli Parliament is an idol to be broken. In fact, SIM in its
nation-wide campaign recently exhorted Muslims to reject
nationalism which it described as new Kufr and instead strive to
work for the betterment of Ummah, the global Muslim community.
There is clearly a shift of emphasis from community to religion,
which basically symbolises the transformation of communitarianism
into fundamentalism. It also signifies a change in the role of
religion in a secular republic. Unlike old style communitarianism,
in the discourse of fundamentalism religion ceases to be a source
of piety and self-discovery. Instead it becomes an organising
principle for a parallel social order which rejects the efficacy of
any system other than Islam to
regulate socio-economic affairs. Moreover, the adversary is not
specific, say the majority community. In fundamentalism, the "us
versus them" dichotomy is replaced by "us versus rest". Hence the
Milli Parliament's declaration that it is haram (prohibitive) for
Muslims to join any political party which does not advance the
Islamic agenda of Khilafat.
Serious Implication
Pursuit of Khilafat requires a model for the future as well as an
interpretation of the past which is made mostly in an essentialist,
monolithic fashion. As a result no dissenting voice, either from
within or without, is respected. This has serious implications for
a culturally diverse and religiously plural society like India. It
is, however, more detrimental to the plural character of Islam
itself as it has evolved and grown together with other cultures and
religions in the Indian sub- continent. Fundamentalists' attack is,
therefore, much more on the liberal, dissenting voice within the
religious community than on the enemy outside. Unfortunately, the
liberal Muslim has always remained politically marginalised.
The author is a research scholar at JNU, New Delhi.
 |
||
|
||
|
||
