|
|
|
Nehru's declaration at the annual session of the Indian National Congress in 1930
that complete independence should be the goal of the Congress, was warmly welcomed
by the India League, though certain conservative sections of the Congress were
taken aback. The radical approach of Nehru regarding independence, as in matters
relating to problems of labour and the peasants and the need to mobilise the youth
in the service of the Congress, brought Nehru and Menon together. When Nehru
thought aloud that independence could not be sustained without socialism, Menon
became a total follower of Nehru.
One of Menon's epoch-making services in the cause of independence was the
organisation of a non-party India League delegation to India on a fact-finding
mission. What the mission saw in India was an eye-opener not only to the non-party
English members of the mission but to Menon himself who came as the secretary to
the mission. The well-documented report came as a shock to the British people. The
colonial crimes of Britain in India, the sham of law and order, the thousands of
people arrested and jailed without any trial and the creeping famine in many parts
of the country reported in the document came as an indictment of British rule in
India. Menon's pathologically fanatical fight against colonialism everywhere had
its origin in the British-created hell in India which Menon witnessed with his own
eyes.
In 1935 Nehru visited England without any commitment to Menon's India League.
Idealist and socialist Nehru personally saw Menon's breadth of vision, grasp of
world developments and socialist fervour, Menon's inexhaustible energy in working
for independence impressed Nehru. The two took to each other. A friendship that
survived many vicissitudes, political storms and jealousy on the part of other
people had begun. A friendship born of mutual appreciation of shared ideals and
ideas.
Though he was a member of the British Labour Party, certain barriers prevented
Menon from getting his due s ' hare of recognition in the inner circles of the
party. In 1938, Menon missed narrowly the election as the leader of the party in
St. Pancras council. Menon could never rid himself of the suspicion that colour
prejudice had something to do with it. This created a bitterness in him which
further exacerbated his relations with the Labour Party. Again in 1939, he was
chosen as Labour Party's Parliamentary candidate for Dundee. But before the final
endorsement. Menon insisted on speaking on Indian independence at a Communist
forum which made the national executive of the party to reconsider the choice and
Menon was rejected. Menon could never get over his suspicion that colour
prejudice was at the bottom of his rejection.
He had a similar prejudice and bitterness against those Indians who came to London
to sit for the ICS and who worked for the India League for short periods. In
Menon's scheme of things, no educated Indian could think of high office or
positions as long as the country was in subjugation. Later when Menon came to
occupy positions of power as diplomat and minister, he looked askance at most of
these people who had risen high in the hierarchy of officialdom, B. K. Nehru, one
of our most accomplished administrators, has referred to this streak in Menon's
character and has accused him of depriving him (Nehru) of the position of
Secretary General of the United Nations. Many of his experiences have made Menon a
difficult man. His arrogance, tactlessness and whimsicality discount a great deal
of the brilliance of the man who is head and shoulders above most people in
ability. Perhaps the humiliations he suffered in his days in England and later
the concerted attack on him at UN and other world capitals for his domineering
attitude (which itself was a kind of shield against attack) explain most of his
bitterness, intemperateness and lack of social grace.
A New Statesman profile published in 1955 sums up this aspect of his character:
"Where some people have chips on their shoulders, Menon has scars. Thus he
attracts private affection rather than popularity".
When August 15, 1947 dawned, Menon was the automatic choice for independent
India's first high commissioner to the United Kingdom. The agitator of two
decades in baggy pants and a grubby overcoat had changed into a highly respected
diplomat in well-cut suits, travelling by limousines for official purposes but
going by bus on all other occasions.
But his tenure, however brilliant (his contribution for Republican India remaining
in the British Commonwealth was appreciated by Nehru and Britain) in writing a
fresh chapter in Indo-British relations, was riddled with several scandals, the
chief among them was the jeep scandal. His detractors in India painted a sordid
picture of a man who squandered the nation's funds with indifference and
irresponsibility. Later it came to light that Menon's sin was that he trusted
people who let him down. More that this no blame attached to him in the eyes of
unbiased observers.
At the end of his term in England, Menon was at the end of his tether. At one
stage the British government thought of utilising his services. But no word from
the Government of India. Then suddenly things began to happen to Menon. He was
nominated deputy leader of the Indian delegation to UN, the leader being Vijaya
Lakshmi Pandit. Later the UN elected her President of the World Organisation and
Menon took over as the leader. It was as the leader of the Indian delegation that
Menon showed his calibre.
As the fiercest fighter against colonialism and the echo of the authentic voice of
India on non-alignment (Nehru had been using "countries not aligned to the right
or left". From this Menon coined non-alignment which has become current in
international parlance), many are the stormy debates in which Menon was the target
of attack both by Washington and London for espousing the cause of the colonial
people and representing the emerging forces of non-alignment. He became West's
bete noire for expounding India's argument why Communist China should be admitted
to the UN. That the West finally gave in and China took its rightful place in the
comity of nations at UN was a great victory for India and Krishna Menon.
Menon played a significant role in settling the Korean conflict which elicited
encomiums from both the British Prime Minister and the US secretary of state. In
those days Menon used to be referred to as "formula Menon".
His advocacy in the Kashmir debate was unparalleled for his sharp constitutional
arguments, barbed-wire expressions and acidity of tone which accentuated the
dislike for him by the high and mighty in several western governments which had
been supporting Pakistan.
Then came the 1962 elections in which he was pitted against Acharya Kripalani in
North Bombay. Menon's constant advice to his supporters and volunteers was to use
one's own weapons. When a face-to-face debate was proposed by the Kripalani camp,
Menon rejected it outright saying that an election was not a "beauty contest",
then turned to his volunteers and said Sotto voce: "Even then I will win"
 |
||
|
||
|
||
