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One small step for man on moon was
a giant leap for mankind. "Secularists" might be dismissive of five per
cent reservation in education and employment for Muslims in Andhra Pradesh.
They might point out that it is a marginal addition to 47 per cent reservations
that already exist for SCs, STs and OBCs.
The Supreme Court had observed
that reserved seats cannot exceed half-way mark of total seats. But this
is not meant to be a debate on the legal propriety of YSR Reddy Government's
latest decision. The debate is not on the figure but on the concept, and
its lethal consequences for the nation.
The latest Congress move has breached an unwritten convention in post-Partition India, that there should not be any reservation on religious grounds. I am not arguing that Partition would not have taken place had the system of Separate Electorates not been introduced by Morley-Minto Reforms, 1909. But Separate Electorates, which implied political reservation, was an important milestone leading to the creation of Pakistan.
A few years ago, a demand for reservation of "Dalit Christians" was fought back with the logic that you cannot have the cake and eat it too. People who converted to Christianity to get over their Dalit stigma cannot claim its benefit without reconverting to their original faith. "Dalit Christians" ('Deceived Christians') surely face discrimination from the church and upper caste Christians, who dominate it.
But "Dalit Christians" have at least shown that their demand was not with an ulterior motive. Under the banner of "Poor Christian Liberation Movement" they are now calling the bluff of the elite and discriminatory church leadership. They have realised that conversion had done little to elevate their social, economic, or spiritual standing.
But never did such a movement ferment amongst Indian Muslims. The Dalit-Muslim unity sham is only directed against the inherent unity of Hindu society and meant to weaken nationalism. It never meant empowerment of underprivileged sections of Muslims against privileged Muslims.
In India neither Islam, nor Christianity, and neither Buddhism nor Sikhism has been able to end casteism fully. Ambedkar had identified the presence of caste- system amongst Muslims: (a) Ashraf or better class Muslims like Syeds, Sheikhs, Pathans, Moghuls, etc.; (b) Ajlaf or lower class Muslims like Darzi, Jolaha, Fakir, Mallah, Kasai, Dhobi, Hajjam to name a few; (c) Arzal or degraded class Muslims like Bhanar, Halalkhor, Hijra, Mehtar, etc. (Writings and Speeches: Pakistan or The Partition of India, p-299, Vol VII) So it stands to logic that reservation for Muslims, if at all, should be for its underprivileged categories. If it is extended to the community as a whole, one would find the creamy layer of Muslims grabbing it at the cost of lower categories. But this will not be too the liking of Muslim ummah for its schismatic potential.
As Ambedkar observed: "Muslim politics takes no note of purely secular categories of life, namely, the difference between rich and poor, capital and labour, landlord and tenant, priest and layman, reason and superstition. Muslim politics is essentially clerical and recognises only one difference, namely, that existing between Hindus and Muslims. None of the secular categories of life have any place in the politics of the Muslim community" (pp. 233-34). And again, "Muslim politicians do not recognise the secular categories of life as the basis of their politics because to them it means the weakening of the community in their fight against the Hindus" (p. 236)
Most of the Muslims in the Indian subcontinent are in a time-warp. Regardless of their worldly standing, they take immense pride in recalling that they are Allah's party and Sultan's race who had ruled this country for six centuries till 1857. In Hyderabad especially, the memory is fresh and the wound is raw, since the Nizam reigned till 1948. This five per cent reservation in Andhra Pradesh may open the floodgates for such demands in other States and the Centre. This small step is like symbolic shedding of inhibition that might legitimise the growth of another "Two-Nation theory". But for the present, Muslims stand to lose their pride by 50 per cent if they bite this five per cent bait.
The Andhra Pradesh Government says 65 per cent of Muslims are living below the poverty line. Literacy rate amongst Muslims was 18 per cent according to the 1991 census, as against 44 for other communities. The literary rate amongst Muslim women was meagre four per cent. I am ready to trust these figures absolutely. But then we must also accept either of the two propositions.
First, after 55 years of running a welfare state out of which 45 at the centre and thirty-five in Andhra Pradesh belonged to the "secular" Congress, Muslims have not been emancipated. Or else, the backwardness of Muslims is self-imposed and nothing will ever help them. After all, if for 55 years there was no reservation for Muslims, there were no restrictions either.
The number of madarsas, in India has increased exponentially, which act as medievalist centres and enclaves of Muslim culture. To provide employment to those who pass out of madarsas new mosques are established every year. Muslim enthusiasm has never been lacking in this regard. Most of them are not interested in modern education. One can bring the horse to Hussein Sagar, but cannot make it drink it.
Mr YSR Reddy's own party leaders and allied "secularists" in skull caps were endorsing the conservative and separatist agenda at Jasla-e-Alam rally organised by Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Hind (JUH) in Lucknow September last. They did not demand modern education. They wanted inter alia setting up of "sharia panchayat for settling disputes", "religious madarsas to be established in every village with day and night shifts", "fight evils of co-education".
Will this five per cent of reservation satisfy the Muslims? Ask any Muslim leader and he would say that "secularism" has been a bad deal for Muslims in India. Bulk of Muslims continue to remain poor, backward, unhygienic and uneducated. But it is a self-made tragedy. Muslim poverty is made chronic by their unwillingness to control birth, which their community leaders will discourage them from adopting. Rather, some see Muslim demography as the only hope of re-establishing the Islamic empire in India.
There is a historical irony involved in this decision at Hyderabad, the seat of erstwhile Nizamiyat of 21-gun salute. 213,190 sq km big Hyderabad State included territories that were later integrated with Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. It was a Sunni Muslim state, though its subjects were overwhelmingly Hindus, especially Marathis. Doctors, lawyers, accountants, writers, treasurers, police officers were mostly Marathi Brahmins. Till 1932, the work of Survey Settlement Department was conducted in Marathi. The last Nizam, Usman Ali Khan, who had ascended the throne in 1911, started arrogating to himself the position of Aurengzeb, the "Zinda Pir".
He started the process of Hindu purging from offices and forces, inspite of the fact that they were there on merit. He thus phased out Marathi, Telugu and Kannad in favour of Urdu. In 1922, when the Caliphate at Constantinople was abolished, the Nizam wrote in a Urdu daily: "Salatin-e-Mazhab sab ho gaye nazre-azal-e-us/ Musalmano ko ab tere par nasa baki" (When all Muslim rulers of the world are gone from sight, O Usman/The trust of Muslims reposes only upon you).
Andhra Pradesh, since its creation,
has been ruled by "secular" parties, whether the Congress or the TDP. All
India Majlis Ithehadul Muslimeen candidates win unfailingly from Hyderabad.
There must be something wrong with "secularism" if the condition of Muslims
has not been ameliorated. It remains to be seen whether Mr Reddy's decision
improves their lot or legitimises the lumping of Muslims together on communal
basis.
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