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With assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh round the corn-
er, strategies are being drawn once again to woo Muslim
voters. Largely self-appointed leaders of the community
are being courted. Warnings and placatory statements are
being exchanged daily. Amid this messy bargaining stands
the bemused ordinary Muslim. His leaders are men of
straw, his franchise a commodity for barter in the polit-
ical bazaar. The Muslim vote has become all-important;
the Muslim citizen, his concerns, his hopes and aspira-
tions interest no party. This is the paradox confronting
India's largest minority community.
Actually, this whole business about seeking the communi-
ty's combined ballot is flawed. Time and again, the
"monolithic" Muslim vote bank has been proved a myth.
The general election of 1996 was a case in point. Like
the rest of their countrymen, Muslims too voted with
regional and casteist motives. Earlier, in 1980, almost
all prominent Muslim leaders, irrespective of party, were
defeated in the Lok Sabha elections. "Fatwas" and ap-
peals by clerics were ignored.
Despite such examples, claims about a collective Muslim
mandate persist. Some "leaders" of the community thrive
on such talk. All this serves to further stereotypes
about the community and removes attention from the real
problem of Muslims in India - economic and socio-educa-
tional backwardness.
Attempts Repeated
In the immediate aftermath of the general election, non-
BJP political parties forged alliances to "defend secu-
larism". Such attempts are now being repeated before the
U.P. elections. Is this activity guided by ideology or
is it a means to gain power, using secularism and the
rights of minorities as a ruse? Sections of educated
Muslims have begun to wonder. Ironically, even some
Muslims who are no supporters of the BJP speak of it
being less hypocritical than its opponents. Wary of both
foes and apparent friends, India's Muslims are rudder-
less, directionless and increasingly cynical.
The tragedy begins with the community's traditional
leaders. These include sections of the clergy and poli-
ticians who have benefited from governmental largess,
thus earning the epithet "sarkari Musalman". These
people have stoked the fears of the community, worked to
keep it psychologically insular and done nothing to
better its educational indices. They have only harped on
a cultural identity.
The result is that Muslims comprise 14 per cent of the
Indian population but one per cent of the civil services.
The community's per capita income remains five per cent
below the national figure. The old leaders must accept
the blame for this. For decades, they have only raised
alarm about the community's security without actually
seeking to eradicate any communal divide or misunder-
standing. They have exploited the ordinary Muslim's
worries, become the arbiters of his vote and sold it to
the highest bidder.
To be fair, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the futil-
ity of sectarian demands became clear to many Muslims.
There was an urge to change, stemming from socioeconomic
compulsions. Some progress was made, without any attack
on or denial of Islam. Then came the Shah Bano issue and
the Ayodhya campaign; and everything was undone. The
medieval imagery, given a lurid colour by the Hindu
right, returned.
Emotions Ebb
Following the riots of 1992-93, a certain insecurity and
alienation again gripped the community. Even noted
liberals and cultural figures felt threatened. National-
ly, if not physically, the ghetto returned as the cocoon.
Yet, these sentiments were not evident in the 1996 elec-
tions. Obviously, the country's emotions have ebbed over
four years. The Muslim is no longer willing to be cannon
fodder for fanaticism.
Is this another false dawn? To ensure it is not, Muslims
need to evolve a new social leadership, one which sees
life beyond politics. The Muslim populace is largely
illiterate and poor. Modern education, trade and indus-
try have not made much headway with it. Partition de-
prived Indian Muslims of a modern middle class, intelli-
gentsia and bourgeoisie. The vacuum has never really
been filled.
What must a Muslim voter demand from his candidates?
One, more schools for his sons and daughters. Two,
freedom from discrimination while seeking jobs, whether
in the private or public sector. Perhaps financial
institutions could launch preferential schemes to grant
Muslim youth loans for little businesses. The lasting
security of the community lies in economic welfare, not
in the rhetoric of an election meeting.
Yes, India's Muslims must take to the streets again, not
to buttress orthodoxy but to challenge it, to make mod-
ernity their own. Perhaps the path to this idyllic goal
begins in U.P. this month. Let the Muslim from this
crucible of Indian politics show the way, let a dispas-
sionate mind, and not an impulsive heart, influence his
ballot. Let him vote out the shibboleths and vote for a
brave new world - where he can prove there is no contra-
diction between being a good Muslim and a good Indian.
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