HVK Archives: Hindutva and participation of castes in power
Hindutva and participation of castes in power - The Indian Express - Editorial
Ramesh Patange
()
Fri, 28 Jun 96 22:24:22 PDT
Title : HINDUTVA AND PARTICIPATION OF CASTES IN
POWER
Author : Ramesh Patange
About the author:
Shri Ramesh Patange, was born in 1947 in Pune and
brought up in Mumbai. His father was also an RSS
swayamsevak. He did his M.A. with Economics and
Politics from the University of Bombay in 1972.
ubsequently, he became a full time Vistaarak of RSS for
Mumbai city. During emergency he went underground for
quite some time but was subsequently arrested and was in
Jail for 14 months.
After release, he worked for Udyog Krishi Vikas
Mandal (Industrial Agriculture Development Committee) a
RSS affiliated project from 1978 to 1984. He joined
Marathi Weekly Vivek as a Joint Editor in 1984 and is
presently its Editor.
He is deeply involved in the problems of Dalits and
is one of the founders of the Samajik Samarasata Manch
(Social Integration Forum) an RSS project for integration
of Dalits and all depressed classes with the rest in
Hindu Society.
The Article:
The Weekly "VIVEK" recently conducted a survey of the
opinions of its readers. one of the readers wrote, "I am
a devotee of Shri Ram; I belong to a certain caste; the
concept of Hindutva may be all right for you; but how is
this Hindutva beneficial to my caste?" This question may
be regarded as either very basic or childish. It is
basic because its answer devolves on the proper concept
of Hindutva and it is childish because it displays the
ignorance of the reader of the fact that Hindutva
encompasses the well-being of all the different section
of people.
A person like me, having imbibed the concept of Hindutva
in its totality, would be quick to answer that different
casts cannot have any special consideration for them.
Hindutva is a casteless concept. In fact the removal of
caste consciousness and caste identities is the raison
d'etre of Hindutva. Since Hindutva incorporates the
well-being of every single Hindu the question of any
special consideration of any particular caste does not
arise. Of course this is simple for a person like me who
is steeped in the Hindutva concept. It may not be so
simple for someone who has come up in the present
political environment.
Serious consideration,must be given to Hindutva against
the background of present atmosphere of caste
consciousness. This would narrow and finally eliminate
the chasm between ideals and practice. Such a chasm
would be a great impediment to the general acceptance of
true nationalism.
The mere acceptance of Hindutva as an ideal cannot erase
the fact of the existence of hundreds of castes.
Movements to eliminate castes have been a prominent
part
of social activity. Such movements must and will continue
for many years. These movements cannot be criticised as
ineffective, helpless in removing or decreasing social
evils. The had their impact to a greater or smaller
extent. The concepts of higher and lower castes, the
marginalisation of certain castes, have now become more
or less extinct. Untouchability is on the way
of elimination. The number of inter caste marriages
is on the increase. These gains of the movements for
elimination casts must not be denied.
However, the caste identity and the sense of belonging to
castes has continued to remain unaffected and perhaps
many continue to remain so in at least in the near
future. As the concept of Hindutva is permeating in the
society, on the one hand, we find Hindus being mobilised
in caste groups on the other hand. We find such
mobilisation in the form of sectarian institutions for
particular castes such as the Kunbis, Agris, Bhandaris,
Telis, Sutars, Charmakars, Matangs, Lohars, Dhangars,
Kshatriyas, Brahmins, etc. These institutions have
their programmes like meeting, conferences,
etc. where the consideration is mainly for the
problems restricted to that caste alone. Simultaneous
with caste mobilisation we observe increase in the
political awareness through these caste organisation.
In the present democratic set up of the political system,
this awareness assumed greater relevance than cultural
awareness.
Votes are of crucial importance to a
Parliamentary Democracy. With this democratic system,
the political power in the country will inevitably vest
in those sections of the society which were so far never
at the centre of power. As the political awareness
increases, castiest ambitions are definitely going to
come to the forefront. A person imagining himself above
caste considerations will be treading on very insecure
grounds as he finds that he cannot forget castes.
The so called non-conservative movements in
Maharashtra
have become instruments of bringing social security based
on caste consciousness. These groups,' believing
that they are revolutionising the society have to
willy-nilly use castes as their bases because the groups
that were denied political or economic advantages so far
can get them only on the basis of castes. This is a
reality which cannot be wished away, howsoever
unpalatable.
With this background of caste aspirations were does a
person professing Hindutva stand? It is one thing
to profess castelessness as an ideal, and witnessing
shifts in power, structure based on castes is another
thing. The castes are there and they will demand their
share of power whatever you wish. Thus a system must
be
evolved so that this power sharing does not harm the
society.
Emotional issues are now at the centre of the political
coming together of Hindus. The aspiration of the Hindus
to liberate the birth place of Lord Rama have brought
Hindus politically nearer than ever before. Lord Rama is
revered and loved by all Hindus. The liberation of His
birth place is the aspiration of all castes among Hindus;
thus we find Hindus, identifying themselves as Hindus,
coming together. There is no doubt that just through the
emotional issues of liberating Rama-Janmabhoomi,
Krishna-
Janmabhoomi and Kashi the Hindus will show solidarity
and
will become united. The Hindu psyche will not be swayed
by false propaganda.
We have this specter of false propaganda against Hindu
unity in the form of allegations that the movement of
uniting Hindus on the basis of Hindutva is aimed at
benefiting only caste Hindus and will confer benefits
only on the upper castes. Had this propaganda been
continued to articles in journals alone, it could have
been ignored. But this propaganda is being done even in
distant localities and hamlets. This will have definite
impact on the minds of people. Slogans like "Usher in
Bali-rajya, Usher in political power of the masses, Usher
in Hindutva of masses" are used to counter the all
encompassing Hindutva thought.
Confidence in the notion that power of the proponents of
Hindutva is the same thing as power on the masses must
be
developed speedily amongst the people. We find
proponents of Hindutva in the forefront of political
movements representing certain castes. Various castes
are represented in the rank and file political parties of
Hindutva view. Yet the thought that Hindutva means the
masses and power to Hindutva is the same thing as
power
of the masses, has not percolated to the lower levels. In
some cases this thought has been eclipsed
by the false propaganda that Hindutva means the power of
the upper castes comparable to the times of Peshwas.
We have hence to be careful and particular to see that
Hindutva is projected in the correct sense. We will have
to move around the countryside, mix with persons of
different castes. We will have to accept the existence
of castes as a reality, organizations based on castes as
inevitable. We will have to reach the masses through
their dialects. We have to create the confidence that
castes will have their just and fair share in power.
The political and social aspirations of castes must be
recognised. Any denial of these aspiration would be a
loosing proposition to the process of gaining
political power.
Otherwise, Hindus that are coming together - irrespective
of castes - on the emotional issues may not side with the
Hindutva proponents in the context of gaining political
power. That would further complicate the political
situation.
Casteless Hinduism is a social aim, a social
ideal. However, things appropriate to the present climate
have to be done, otherwise the idealism would meet the
same fate as the Gandhian philosophy did when Gandhiji
made Hindu-Muslim Unity. The propositions of Gandhiji in
economics, social sciences and in particular in the field
of Hindu-Muslim unity, all have become not just
impracticable but redundant. Dr. Ambedkar started with
elimination of castes and accepted the practical approach
of capturing power. The backward classes must get their
share of political and economic power was the main
thought in his political activity. The political
awareness present in the backward classes is the direct
result of Dr. Ambedkar's work.
The equality that the people in the lowest rung of the
society are demanding is not restricted to eating at
common tables and intercaste marriages. These two
have
more or less been achieved by various social movements.
Now their demand of equality is in the field of power and
economic gains. Proponents of Hindutva now have a
difficult task before them: to keep high the flag of
elimination of castes and to make the backward classes
partners in power. A suitable change of style of working
is envisaged.
I am aware that statements and conclusions drawn in this
article may not be acceptable to all. There is no
intention on my part to advise anybody. I have only
endeavoured to put in words my appreciation of the
present social and political climate.
NOTE: This paper has been presented with an intention to
create a debate. Please send your views to the person who
has given this note to you. Namaste.
Back
Top
|
