HVK Archives: A growing aggression
A growing aggression - The Economic Times
Power Play
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22 September 1996
Title : A growing aggression
Author : Power Play
Publication : The Economic Times
Date : September 22, 1996
A conference organised by OBC Muslims in the capital last
month has once again turned the spotlight on reservations
for non-Hindu backwards and Dalits. Since the initiative
taken by Shabbir Ansari and Vilas Sonavane comes close on
the heels of the Dalit Christian issue, it can only fuel
the reservation controversy. Already, there is a strong
lobby against it. The argument being that followers of
religions that do not recognise caste should not be
eligible for caste-based reservations.
Then there are others who see the assertiveness of the
OBC Muslims as an antidote to the machinations of commu-
nal politics, in that it has the potential to unite OBCs
across religious divides. The issue also becomes import-
ant in the wake of the clamour for a job quota exclu-
sively for Muslims.
The demand of the OBC Muslims is not that they be treated
on par with their Hindu counterparts for job reservations
since they already are eligible for it. In fact, their
right to reservations on the ground that they are as
socially and educationally backward as the Hindu OBCs was
conceded long before the 'empowerment of the subaltern'
was a reality.
The 1955 Kaka Kalelkar report on the Backward Classes,
had clearly said that the OBC Muslims were eligible for
job reservations. Citing reasons, it said,"there are a
number of communities amongst them that are suffering
from social inferiority in their own society and conse-
quent educational backwardness. Such backward communi-
ties are included in the list of Other Backward Communi-
ties".
Of course, the recommendations were fated to remain only
on paper since the Nehru government spiked the report. It
was years later, with the growth of a subaltern con-
sciousness and a growing political clout of the OBCs that
the Mandal Commission recommendations were implemented.
One important feature of the Mandal quota is that it
treats 90 per cent of the Muslim population as OBCs
deserving government jobs and educational institutions.
This works out to be much more than the proportion of the
Hindu population covered under the Mandal quota.
The point is quotas for 90 per cent of Muslims are alrea-
dy a reality. They were found legally and constitution-
ally valid by the Supreme Court when it upheld the Mandal
Commission.
The discussion at the recent convention on this issue was
confined to the need to remove certain bureaucratic
hurdles which result in the denial of reservation bene-
fits and to include Muslim Dalits among the beneficiar-
ies.
But that does not in any way diminish the importance of
the newly-acquired assertiveness of the OBC Muslims. The
convention was by no means the first outing. In fact,
signs of OBC Muslims inspired by the success of their
equals in the majority community - getting ready to shake
off the hold of the upper caste leadership had come from
Bihar. And if the radical change in equations of power
amongst the Hindus is anything to go by, it is only a
matter of time before OBC Muslims too muscle their way on
to the centre stage.
In the process, they will have to contend with opposition
from more than one quarter. The BJP has rightly been
identified as one. The party opposes reservation for
Muslims and Christians on the ground that neither Islam
nor Christianity recognise caste. Though not unexpected,
the party's stand is full of contradictions considering
the fact that it has committed itself to supporting the
Mandal Commission.
Not only that, the list of OBCs prepared by its govern-
ments in Rajasthan and Delhi include backward Muslims as
well. It also does not appear to be overly bothered about
the fact that a host of backward Muslim communities
figure in the list prepared by the state governments of
Maharashtra and Gujarat.
Moreover, consider its complaint that the members of the
minority community are yet to 'Indianise' themselves
fully. Extension of caste-based reservations for 90 per
cent of the Muslim population here certainly reflects the
special way in which Islam is being practised here.
What is more interesting is that a strong section of the
traditional upper-caste dominated Muslim leadership is
unhappy with the reservation idea.
The more conservative amongst them, justify their stand
by emphasising that caste has no place in their religion.
The argument is not only akin to the one advanced by the
BJP, but unconvincing as well, if one takes into account
that these very people pay a lot of attention to caste
when it comes to making political allies.
The majority of the upper caste leaders, however, cite
secular reasons to support their stand. They contend
that clubbing Muslim OBCs with others has proved to be
non-productive since the Hindus who are more educated and
advanced than the Muslims, monopolise the quota. In
their view, only an exclusive quota for Muslims can help
them overcome the handicap of social and educational
backwardness.
Though they have taken care to come up with condescending
gesture that the OBC Muslims, even with minimum qualify-
ing marks will have the first claim on a quota, they have
been unable to convince the backward Muslims. The asser-
tion of the backward Muslims only indicate that they have
seen through the ploy of the upper caste elite to escape
the consequences of reverse discrimination that the Hindu
upper castes are having to suffer.
They seem to be inspired by the success of the Christian
clergy who, despite not having done anything worthwhile
to eradicate discrimination against the Dalit converts,
have succeeded in assuming the leadership of the reserva-
tions for Dalit Christians. The enthusiasm of the Church
appears rather curious, considering the Dalit Christians
are already enjoying the benefit of the Mandal reserva-
tions in almost all the states.
The upper caste Muslim leaders, however, are having to
contend with a new generation of OBC Muslims who seem to
be aware that stressing the exclusiveness of Muslims not
only helps the 'nobles' preserve their position as the
leaders of the community but also widens the communal
divide.
They are, therefore, keen to forge links with the leaders
of OBCs of the majority community. Unfortunately for
them, the gesture is yet to be fully reciprocated. True,
it is the OBC Hindu leaders who have secured reservation
benefits for their Muslim counter parts. Their efforts
have also generated conditions which have facilitated the
growth of assertiveness among the Muslim OBCs. But they
are not only reluctant to oppose the demand for exclusive
quota for the Muslims, but keep encouraging it from time
to time. Not only that, some of these OBC leaders who
are being cast in the role of harbingers of trans-religi-
ous OBC consciousness and are considered to be champions
of secularism, are even loath to reject the argument that
the interests of Muslims and Hindus are exclusive and are
in conflict.
Those who believe in the all comprehensive backward class
unity will have to keep these factors in mind as the
assertiveness of the OBC Muslims seems poised to gain
momentum. It will also be better if they refrain from
projecting the process as the one which involves conflict
between the upper caste Hindus on the one hand and the
rest on the other. This is taking into account that they
continue to ignore clear proofs of differentiations and
conflicts among the non-upper caste Hindu population.
Yet, they will do well to keep in mind the reaction of
Hindu OBCs to any move to earmark a certain part of the
Mandal quota for the OBC Muslims.
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