HVK Archives: Surjeet's Shikar
Surjeet's Shikar - India Today
Javed M. Ansari
()
11 August 1997
Title: Surjeet's Shikar
Author: Javed M. Ansari
Publication: India Today
Date: August 11, 1997
Frustrated by Gujral's growing proximity to the Congress the CPI(M)'s
general secretary turns into the ruling coalition's one-man built-in
demolition squad
>From Rajguru to dissident at large. The transition has been complete for
Harkishen Singh Surjeet. The general secretary of the CPI(M) was very much
the elder statesman in H.D. Deve Gowda's regime-guidance counsellor,
self-appointed watchdog and arbiter rolled into one. Under Prime Minister
I.K. Gujral, much of Surjeet's aura has vanished. He has now turned into a
carping critic (see box) and one-mail demolition squad, exploiting Gujral's
frailties and endangering the future of the United Front (UF).
The hostility between the Punjabi veterans goes back to April, when Gujral
became prime minister. From the very day Sitaram Kesri withdrew support to
Gowda, Surjeet went about telling other UF leaders: "There's a conspiracy
to elevate Gujral." The CPI(M) had favoured Defence Minister Mulayam Singh
Yadav. When Kuldip Nayar, journalist and Gujral acolyte, had called oil
Surjeet and solicited support for the then external affairs minister,
Surjeet had expressed his doubts: "He is good at the foreign office but has
no support in the party or a mass base. I don't know how he will manage as
prime minister."
Ironically, Gujral and Surjeet go back a long way. "I was the one who
brought him into the Communist Party in 1938," claims Surjeet. Even so,
Gujral has not forgiven Surjeet for the opposition in April. Mindful of
the fact that it was Kesri who had unseated Gowda, Gujral has been cosying
up the Congress president.
Surjeet misses the clout of old. In Gowda's time, he was responsible for
bringing Welfare Minister Balwant Singh Ramoowalia into the Cabinet and
getting Tejinder Khanna the prized post of Delhi's lieutenant-governor.
Gujral, however, has rejected Surjeet's recommendations on numerous
gubernatorial and ambassadorial appointments. Recently, Surjeet sought an
extension for the controversial managing director of a top public sector
unit. Gujral again said no.
Surjeet's greatest fear is Gujral will gang up with the Congress-and a host
of regional forces such as Laloo Prasad Yadav, the Telugu Desam Party (TDP)
and the DMK-and neutralise the Left. Surjeet realises that any
strengthening of the Congress will only cause problems for the Left. In
its bastions of West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura, it is directly challenged
by Kesri's partymen. Thus the option before the Left is either co-opting
the Congress and enlarging the UF's platform or pursuing an agenda aimed at
securing its Lok Sabha seats and its ability to play kingmaker after any
future election. Obviously, it has chosen the latter.
The Left's suspicions about the growing Kesri-Gujral proximity were not
helped by the manner in which Krishan Kant was chosen the UF-Congress
candidate for vice-president. After deciding upon Kant, Gujral lobbied
with the Congress and then got the name cleared by N. Chandrababu Naidu and
M. Karunanidhi. The Left was only presented a fait accompli. The sequence
of events mirrored Surjeet's worst nightmare; only, in the latter,
something politically more important than the vice-presidency would be at
stake.
The Laloo affair has also widened the chasm. Gujral's refusal to accede to
the Left and Gowda and dismiss the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) Government in
Bihar and remove its three ministers at the Centre is the most recent point
of difference. "The prime minister has given Laloo a fresh lease of life,"
complains a Janata Dal (ID) minister close to Gowda. Laloo's decision to
install his wife, Rabri Devi, as chief minister has found explicit backing
from the Congress in the Bihar Assembly-and from Gujral in the form of
inane statements which are not even mildly critical. This has bolstered
Surjeet's conspiracy theory.
The UF is divided on Laloo. The JD led by Sharad Yadav and the Samajwadi
Party under Mulayam saw the fodder imbroglio as an opportunity to finish
Laloo politically. Gujral thwarted these plans by not using Article 356 to
put Bihar under President's rule. The DMK, the Tamil Maanila Congress (TMC)
and the TDP have also advocated caution. At the last meeting of the UF'S
Steering Committee, this group prevailed upon Laloo's opponents to allow
the RJD ministers to stay in office.
Gujral is guided by the presence of 16 RJD members in the Lok Sabha and
wants to broaden his support base to prevent being held to ransom by a lone
strong backer. This logic does not impress the Left. Laments a CPI(M)
Politburo member: "It (retaining the RJD ministers) may help him personally
but the UF's image has taken a beating on the corruption issue."
Essentially, the Left (and Gowda) are itching for a mid-term poll. They
feel the Congress is in no position to go to the hustings. Unfortunately,
the TDP, TMC and DMK are not excited by the idea of immediate elections.
Gujral, keen to extend his fortuitous prime ministerial term to the
maximum, has played upon these fears. He has been conciliatory vis a vis
the Congress. Unlike Gowda, who frequently sought Surjeet's counsel, Gujral
has struck a rapport with Kesri. This has the Left furious. Warns CPI
General Secretary A.B. Bardhan: "We are the ones who brought the Front into
being. We will not allow others to run away with it."
While Kesri has publicly promised to keep Gujral prime minister for at
least a year, Surjeet and his friends would rather effect a divorce
forthwith. Says a senior CPI(M) leader: "What is the point in continuing
at the Congress' mercy? It is time that we strike out." In the coming
weeks, Surjeet will use Gowda and Sharad to put pressure on Gujral from
within the JD and force the prime minister to distance himself from the
Congress, whatever the repercussions.
The Left's assessment is that it is better placed to face elections now
than later. Gujral's assessment is that, with a bit of delay, he will be
better placed to tackle the Left later than he is today. No wonder Comrade
Surjeet gnashes his teeth with each passing moment.
Surjeet speak
July 27: "Mulayam would have been a better choice as prime minister. He has
a stronger base among the minorities and the backwards."
July 24: "Many self-seekers have come into the Congress in a big way, with
the result that others in the party who want to do something for the
country do not have a voice. They are not heard."
July 18: "The situation is unstable and we may have to face elections much
earlier than we expect."
July 19: "The DMK's position on corruption can damage the prestige of the
Union Front."
July 13: "Gujral cannot decide things for himself on Laloo. He is the
leader of a 14-party coalition, every decision has to be collective."
April 27: "Gujral is a soft man, he has done well as foreign minister but I
wonder if he can strengthen the United Front. He has little mass following."
April 26: "Gujral should tackle the BJP head on. If he continues to evade
it, the basis for the United Front's formation will be weakened."
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