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archive: Birth rights

Birth rights

Pitamber J Singh
The Pioneer
July 8, 1999


    Title: Birth rights
    Author: Pitamber J Singh
    Publication: The Pioneer
    Date: July 8, 1999
    
    The country is engulfed in a controversy regarding the rights and
    privileges of the naturalised citizens vis-a-vis the natural born
    citizens: the foremost question being whether a person who is a
    naturalised citizen, and not a natural born, can occupy the top
    positions in the country. Unfortunately, the issue is divided on party
    lines and the debate is tending to be acrimonious. An issue which
    needed to be discussed objectively and dispassionately on non-partisan
    lines has become the victim of party politics.
    
    To understand the issue in all its ramifications, it will be
    appropriate to delve into the history of the Indian National Movement
    and to go through the debates in the Constituent Assembly. Consequent
    upon the promulgation of the Queen's Proclamation of 1858 and the
    transfer of power from the East India Company to the British Crown,
    the freedom movement suffered a temporary set-back to resurface
    subsequently in a different form. The founding of the Indian National
    Congress in 1885 by Allan Octavian Hume was an important event in this
    direction.
    
    Hume's objective was to bring the enlightened elite of the country on
    a single platform to educate the Indian people in socio-political
    matters. In the course of the struggle, a number of foreigners like
    George Yule, Sir William Wedderburn, Alfred Web, Sir Henry Cotton,
    Annie Besant and CF Andrews, sympathetic to the Indian cause, also
    joined the movement. The contribution of these great personalities was
    significant yet selfless.
    
    Hume was an outstanding ICS officer deeply committed to the cause of
    the Indian people much to the chagrin of fellow bureaucrats. Despite
    his outstanding contribution to the Indian cause and the respect he
    commanded among the contemporary Indian luminaries, Hume wanted the
    basic job of governance to be done by the Indians themselves. Annie
    Besant got interested in Indian philosophy at an early age and moved
    to India in 1893 for the study of the Vedas and other Hindu
    scriptures. She headed the Theosophical Society of India and had VK
    Krishna Menon and J Krishnamurthy among her pupils. She founded the
    Central Hindu College in Benaras which later blossomed into the
    Benaras Hindu University. She started the Home Rule Movement in 1916.
    As INC president, she demanded self government for India by 1923 and
    latest by 1928.
    
    In recent times, some people have tried to compare Sonia Gandhi with
    Annie Besant. The services rendered by Hume and Annie Besant were
    marked by selflessness, dedication and total devotion to the Indian
    cause and were qualitatively different. The Constituent Assembly which
    drafted the Constitution of India consisted of eminent freedom
    fighters who had waged a lifelong struggle to shake off the foreign
    yoke. They knew what freedom meant and were determined to defend it at
    any cost. The unity and integrity of the country was their primary
    concern. This explains the centralised tendencies of the Constitution
    as it was the weakening of the Central authority, or the absence
    thereof, which had resulted in the loss of the country's independence
    in the past.
    
    Considering the strong nationalistic feelings which dominated the
    1940s, they could never have envisioned a situation in which the
    persons who were not the natural born citizens of the country, would
    be projected for the top constitutional positions. They would have
    presupposed that the conventions which had got entrenched in the other
    advanced democracies of the world, would also take root in the Indian
    political system.
    
    In all the advanced countries of the world, a distinction has been
    drawn between the natural born citizens, the naturalised citizens and
    the aliens. Whereas, the natural born citizens enjoy all the political
    and civil rights, the naturalised citizens are entitled to the civil
    rights and only some of the political rights. The aliens are eligible
    to only part of the civil rights and can claim no political rights. No
    distinct line has been drawn between the two in India.
    
    There was an influx of people from different parts of Europe to the
    US, both before and after the American war of independence. The
    framers of the US constitution took note of this and explicitly
    disqualified the naturalised citizens from becoming the US president.
    People from different parts of the world may migrate to a particular
    country and seek its citizenship. Such people remain aliens till they
    have been granted the status of "citizens". On acquiring citizenship,
    they become the naturalised citizens of the country of adoption but
    their children who may be born subsequently become the natural born
    citizens.
    
    Whereas naturalised citizens do not qualify to become presidents,
    vice-presidents, prime ministers and other such top constitutional
    posts, the natural born citizens qualify for all such positions. A
    person might have migrated to a country in infancy and might have been
    brought up in the country of adoption but he/she is also debarred from
    occupying top constitutional positions. Madeleine Albright of the US
    is one such example. Despite all the competence and political skills
    she has, she cannot aspire to become the US president.
    
    A person occupying a top constitutional position is repository of
    sensitive information and is often required to take hard decisions
    having far-reaching consequences. In such a situation, a naturalised
    citizen, may either be too cautious to the extent of being indecisive,
    leading to inordinate delays on vital matters, or succumb to outside
    pressures. Both can be suicidal for the nation. That is why top
    constitutional positions are kept outside the purview of naturalised
    citizens in most countries.
    
    It is for similar reasons that persons belonging to the Indian Foreign
    Service and Group 'A' Series, likely to occupy top slots, are not
    permitted to marry foreigners except with the permission of the
    Government of India. That such a decision was taken by Jawaharlal
    Nehru and his Government after Independence reinforces the argument
    that the Constituent Assembly had no intention of treating naturalised
    citizens at par with the natural born citizens.
    
    These are policy decisions, the significance of which cannot be
    underestimated because of the personalities involved. By virtue of her
    marriage, Sonia Gandhi is today a member of one of the leading
    families of the country which played an active role in the freedom
    struggle. She is a naturalised citizen of fairly long standing. She
    has mothered and brought up two Indian born citizens who are eligible
    to contest for any office in the country. However, there may be
    situations when naturalised citizens of not so long a standing may
    want to contest for top constitutional positions for which they may
    have the requisite lobby support and the necessary money power
    backing. This has to be guarded against.
    
    We are in the midst of an environment where morality has taken a
    nosedive and the international gangs have become powerful enough to
    interfere in the affairs of the other countries to wreck them both
    economically and politically. Once naturalised citizens become
    eligible to seek high constitutional or political positions, it makes
    the job of such international outfits easier. In a healthy democracy,
    the country's top constitutional positions should remain outside the
    ambit of the naturalised citizens and within the reach of the natural
    horn citizens only.
    



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