Remarks by the President
to the Indian Joint Session of Parliament New Delhi, India
Released by the Office
of the Press Secretary,
The White House
March 22, 2000
[Audio of the President's
Address to Indian Parliament. Note: RealAudio Player required - Get
It Here ]
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Vice
President, Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Speaker, members of the Lok Sabha and
Rajya Sabha, I am privileged to speak to you and, through you, to the people
of India. I am honored to be joined today by members of my Cabinet and
staff at the White House, and a very large representation of members of
our United States Congress from both political parties. We're all honored
to be here and we thank you for your warm welcome. (Applause.)
I would also like to
thank the people of India for their kindness to my daughter and my mother-in-law
and, on their previous trip, to my wife and my daughter. (Applause.)
I have looked forward
to this day with great anticipation. This whole trip has meant a great
deal to me, especially to this point, the opportunity I had to visit the
Gandhi memorial, to express on behalf of all the people of the United States
our gratitude for the life, the work, the thought of Gandhi, without which
the great civil rights revolution in the United States would never had
succeeded on a peaceful plane. (Applause)
As Prime Minister Vajpayee
has said, India and America are natural allies, two nations conceived in
liberty, each finding strength in its diversity, each seeing in the other
a reflection of its own aspiration for a more humane and just world.
A poet once said the
world's inhabitants can be divided into "those that have seen the Taj Mahal
and those that have not." (Laughter.) Well, in a few hours I will have
a chance to cross over to the happier side of that divide. But I hope,
in a larger sense, that my visit will help the American people to see the
new India and to understand you better. And I hope that the visit will
help India to understand America better. And that by listening to each
other we can build a true partnership of mutual respect and common endeavor.
>From a distance, India
often appears as a kaleidoscope of competing, perhaps superficial, images.
Is it atomic weapons, or ahimsa? A land struggling against poverty and
inequality, or the world's largest middle-class society? Is it still simmering
with communal tensions, or history's most successful melting pot? Is it
Bollywood or Satyajit Ray? Swetta Chetty or Alla Rakha? Is it the handloom
or the hyperlink? The truth is, no single image can possibly do justice
to your great nation. But beyond the complexities and the apparent contradictions,
I believe India teaches us some very basic lessons.
The first is about democracy.
There are still those who deny that democracy is a universal aspiration;
who say it works only for people of a certain culture, or a certain degree
of economic development. India has been proving them wrong for 52 years
now. Here is a country where more than 2 million people hold elected office
in local government; a country that shows at every election that those
who possess the least cherish their vote the most. Far from washing away
the uniqueness of your culture, your democracy has brought out the richness
of its tapestry, and given you the knot that holds it together.
A second lesson India
teaches is about diversity. You have already heard remarks about that this
morning. But around the world there is a chorus of voices who say ethnic
and religious diversity is a threat; who argue that the only way to keep
different people from killing one another is to keep them as far apart
as possible. But India has shown us a better way. For all the troubles
you have seen, surely the subcontinent has seen more innocence hurt in
the efforts to divide people by ethnicity and faith than by the efforts
to bring them together in peace and harmony. Under trying circumstances,
you have shown the world how to live with difference. You have shown that
tolerance and mutual respect are in many ways the keys to our common survival.
That is something the whole world needs to learn.
A third lesson India
teaches is about globalization and what may be the central debate of our
time. Many people believe the forces of globalization are inherently divisive;
that they can only widen the gap between rich and poor. That is a valid
fear, but I believe wrong. As the distance between producers large and
small, and customers near and far becomes less relevant, developing countries
will have opportunities not only to succeed, but to lead in lifting more
people out of poverty more quickly than at any time in human history. In
the old economy, location was everything. In the new economy, information,
education and motivation are everything -- and India is proving it.
You liberated your markets
and now you have one of the 10 fastest growing economies in the world.
At the rate of growth within your grasp, India's standard of living could
rise by 500 percent in just 20 years. You embraced information technology
and now, when Americans and other big software companies call for consumer
and customer support, they're just as likely to find themselves talking
to an expert in Bangalore as one in Seattle. (Applause.)
You decentralized authority,
giving more individuals and communities the freedom to succeed. In that
way, you affirmed what every successful country is finding in its own way:
globalization does not favor nations with a licensing raj, it does favor
nations with a panchayat raj. And the world has been beating a path to
your door.
In the new millennium,
every great country must answer one overarching question: how shall we
define our greatness? Every country -- America included -- is tempted to
cling to yesterday's definition of economic and military might. But true
leadership for the United States and India derives more from the power
of our example and the potential of our people.
I believe that the greatest
of India's many gifts to the world is the example its people have set "from
Midnight to Millennium." Think of it: virtually every challenge humanity
knows can be found here in India. And every solution to every challenge
can be found here as well: confidence in democracy; tolerance for diversity;
a willingness to embrace social change. That is why Americans admire India;
why we welcome India's leadership in the region and the world; and why
we want to take our partnership to a new level, to advance our common values
and interests, and to resolve the differences that still remain.
There were long periods
when that would not have been possible. Though our democratic ideals gave
us a starting point in common, and our dreams of peace and prosperity gave
us a common destination, there was for too long too little common ground
between East and West, North and South. Now, thankfully, the old barriers
between nations and people, economies and cultures, are being replaced
by vast networks of cooperation and commerce. With our open, entrepreneurial
societies, India and America are at the center of those networks. We must
expand them, and defeat the forces that threaten them.
To succeed, I believe
there are four large challenges India and the United States must meet together
-- challenges that should define our partnership in the years ahead.
The first of these challenges
is to get our own economic relationship right. Americans have applauded
your efforts to open your economy, your commitment to a new wave of economic
reform; your determination to bring the fruits of growth to all your people.
We are proud to support India's growth as your largest partner in trade
and investment. And we want to see more Indians and more Americans benefit
from our economic ties, especially in the cutting edge fields of information
technology, biotechnology and clean energy. The private sector will drive
this progress, but our job as governments is to create the conditions that
will allow them to succeed in doing so, and to reduce the remaining impediments
to trade and investment between us.
Our second challenge
is to sustain global economic growth in a way that lifts the lives of rich
and poor alike, both across and within national borders. Part of the world
today lives at the cutting edge of change, while a big part still exists
at the bare edge of survival. Part of the world lives in the information
age. Part of the world does not even reach the clean water age. And often
the two live side by side. It is unacceptable, it is intolerable; thankfully,
it is unnecessary and it is far more than a regional crisis. Whether around
the corner or around the world, abject poverty in this new economy is an
affront to our common humanity and a threat to our common prosperity.
The problem is truly
immense, as you know far better than I. But perhaps for the first time
in all history, few would dispute that we know the solutions. We know we
need to invest in education and literacy, so that children can have soaring
dreams and the tools to realize them. We know we need to make a special
commitment in developing nations to the education of young girls, as well
as young boys. Everything we have learned about development tells us that
when women have access to knowledge, to health, to economic opportunity
and to civil rights, children thrive, families succeed and countries prosper.
Here again, we see how
a problem and its answers can be found side by side in India. For every
economist who preaches the virtues of women's empowerment points at first
to the achievements of India's state of Kerala -- I knew there would be
somebody here from Kerala -- (laughter and applause.) Thank you.
To promote development,
we know we must conquer the diseases that kill people and progress. Last
December, India immunized 140 million children against polio, the biggest
public health effort in human history. I congratulate you on that. (Applause.)
I have launched an initiative
in the United States to speed the development of vaccines for malaria,
tuberculosis and AIDS -- the biggest infectious killers of our time. This
July, when our partners in the G-8 meet in Japan, I will urge them to join
us. But that is not enough, for at best, effective vaccines are years away.
Especially for AIDS, we need a commitment today to prevention, and that
means straight talk and an end to stigmatizing. As Prime Minister Vajpayee
said, no one should ever speak of AIDS as someone else's problem. This
has long been a big problem for the United States. It is now a big problem
for you. I promise you America's partnership in the continued struggle.
(Applause.)
To promote development,
we know we must also stand with those struggling for human rights and freedom
around the world and in the region. For as the economist Amartya Sen has
said, no system of government has done a better job in easing human want,
in averting human catastrophes, than democracy. I am proud America and
India will stand together on the right side of history when we launch the
Community of Democracies in Warsaw this summer.
All of these steps are
essential to lifting people's lives. But there is yet another. With greater
trade and the growth it brings, we can multiply the gains of education,
better health and democratic empowerment. That is why I hope we will work
together to launch a new global trade round that will promote economic
development for all.
One of the benefits of
the World Trade Organization is that it has given developing countries
a bigger voice in global trade policy. Developing countries have used that
voice to urge richer nations to open their markets further so that all
can have a chance to grow. That is something the opponents of the WTO don't
fully appreciate yet.
We need to remind them
that when Indians and Brazilians and Indonesians speak up for open trade,
they are not speaking for some narrow corporate interest, but for a huge
part of humanity that has no interest in being saved from development.
Of course, trade should not be a race to the bottom in environmental and
labor standards, but neither should fears about trade keep part of our
global community forever at the bottom.
Yet we must also remember
that those who are concerned about the impact of globalization in terms
of inequality, in environmental degradation do speak for a large part of
humanity. Those who believe that trade should contribute not just to the
wealth, but also to the fairness of societies; those who share Nehru's
dream of a structure for living that fulfills our material needs, and at
the same time sustains our mind and spirit. We can advance these values
without engaging in rich-country protectionism. Indeed, to sustain a consensus
for open trade, we must find a way to advance these values as well. That
is my motivation, and my only motivation, in seeking a dialogue about the
connections between labor, the environment, and trade and development.
I would remind you -- and I want to emphasize this -- the United States
has the most open markets of any wealthy country in the world. We have
the largest trade deficit. We also have had a strong economy, because we
have welcomed the products and the services from the labor of people throughout
the world. I am for an open global trading system. But we must do it in
a way that advances the cause of social justice around the world. (Applause.)
The third challenge we
face is to see that the prosperity and growth of the information age require
us to abandon some of the outdated truths of the Industrial Age. As the
economy grows faster today, for example, when children are kept in school,
not put to work. Think about the industries that are driving our growth
today in India and in America. Just as oil enriched the nations who had
it in the 20th century, clearly knowledge is doing the same for the nations
who have it in the 21st century. The difference is, knowledge can be tapped
by all people everywhere, and it will never run out.
We must also find ways
to achieve robust growth while protecting the environment and reversing
climate change. I'm convinced we can do that as well. We will see in the
next few years, for example, automobiles that are three, four, perhaps
five times as efficient as those being driven today. Soon scientists will
make alternative sources of energy more widely available and more affordable.
Just for example, before long chemists almost certainly will unlock the
block that will allow us to produce eight or nine gallons of fuel from
bio-fuels, farm fuels, using only one gallon of gasoline.
Indian scientists are
at the forefront of this kind of research -- pioneering the use of solar
energy to power rural communities; developing electric cars for use in
crowded cities; converting agricultural waste into electricity. If we can
deepen our cooperation for clean energy, we will strengthen our economies,
improve our people's health and fight global warming. This should be a
vital element of our new partnership.
A fourth challenge we
face is to protect the gains of democracy and development from the forces,
which threaten to undermine them. There is the danger of organized crime
and drugs. There is the evil of trafficking in human beings, a modern form
of slavery. And of course, there is the threat of terrorism. Both our nations
know it all too well.
Americans understood
the pain and agony you went through during the Indian Airlines hijacking.
And I saw that pain firsthand when I met with the parents and the widow
of the young man who was killed on that airplane. (Applause.) We grieve
with you for the Sikhs who were killed in Kashmir -- (applause) -- and
our heart goes out to their families. We will work with you to build a
system of justice, to strengthen our cooperation against terror. (Applause.)
We must never relax our vigilance or allow the perpetrators to intimidate
us into retreating from our democratic ideals.
Another danger we face
is the spread of weapons of mass destruction to those who might have no
reservations about using them. I still believe this is the greatest potential
threat to the security we all face in the 21st century. It is why we must
be vigilant in fighting the spread of chemical and biological weapons.
And it is why we must both keep working closely to resolve our remaining
differences on nuclear proliferation.
I am aware that I speak
to you on behalf of a nation that has possessed nuclear weapons for 55
years and more. But since 1988, the United States has dismantled more than
13,000 nuclear weapons. We have helped Russia to dismantle their nuclear
weapons and to safeguard the material that remains. We have agreed to an
outline of a treaty with Russia that will reduce our remaining nuclear
arsenal by more than half. We are producing no more fissile material, developing
no new land- or submarine-based missiles, engaging in no new nuclear testing.
>From South America to
South Africa, nations are foreswearing these weapons, realizing that a
nuclear future is not a more secure future. Most of the world is moving
toward the elimination of nuclear weapons. That goal is not advanced if
any country, in any region, it moves in the other direction.
I say this with great
respect. Only India can determine its own interests. Only India -- (applause)
-- only India can know if it truly is safer today than before the tests.
Only India can determine if it will benefit from expanding its nuclear
and missile capabilities, if its neighbors respond by doing the same thing.
Only India knows if it can afford a sustained investment in both conventional
and nuclear forces while meeting its goals for human development. These
are questions others may ask, but only you can answer.
I can only speak to you
as a friend about America's own experience during the Cold War. We were
geographically distant from the Soviet Union. We were not engaged in direct
armed combat. Through years of direct dialogue with our adversary, we each
had a very good idea of the other's capabilities, doctrines, and intentions.
We each spent billions of dollars on elaborate command and control systems,
for nuclear weapons are not cheap.
And yet, in spite of
all of this -- and as I sometimes say jokingly, in spite of the fact that
both sides had very good spies, and that was a good thing -- (laughter)
-- in spite of all of this, we came far too close to nuclear war. We learned
that deterrence alone cannot be relied on to prevent accident or miscalculation.
And in a nuclear standoff, there is nothing more dangerous than believing
there is no danger.
I can also repeat what
I said at the outset. India is a leader, a great nation, which by virtue
of its size, its achievements, and its example, has the ability to shape
the character of our time. For any of us, to claim that mantle and assert
that status is to accept first and foremost that our actions have consequences
for others beyond our borders. Great nations with broad horizons must consider
whether actions advance or hinder what Nehru called the larger cause of
humanity.
So India's nuclear policies,
inevitably, have consequences beyond your borders: eroding the barriers
against the spread of nuclear weapons, discouraging nations that have chosen
to foreswear these weapons, encouraging others to keep their options open.
But if India's nuclear test shook the world, India's leadership for nonproliferation
can certainly move the world.
India and the United
States have reaffirmed our commitment to forego nuclear testing. And for
that I thank the Prime Minister, the government and the people of India.
But in our own self-interest -- and I say this again -- in our own self-interest
we can do more. I believe both nations should join the Comprehensive Nuclear
Test Ban Treaty; work to launch negotiations on a treaty to end the production
of fissile materials for nuclear weapons; strengthen export controls. And
India can pursue defense policies in keeping with its commitment not to
seek a nuclear or missile arms race, which the Prime Minister has forcefully
reaffirmed just in these last couple of days.
Again, I do not presume
to speak for you or to tell you what to decide. It is not my place. You
are a great nation and you must decide. But I ask you to continue our dialogue
on these issues. And let us turn our dialogue into a genuine partnership
against proliferation. If we make progress in narrowing our differences,
we will be both more secure, and our relationship can reach its full potential.
I hope progress can also
be made in overcoming a source of tension in this region, including the
tensions between India and Pakistan. I share many of your government's
concerns about the course Pakistan is taking; your disappointment that
past overtures have not always met with success; your outrage over recent
violence. I know it is difficult to be a democracy bordered by nations
whose governments reject democracy.
But I also believe --
I also believe India has a special opportunity, as a democracy, to show
its neighbors that democracy is about dialogue. It does not have to be
about friendship, but it is about building working relationships among
people who differ.
One of the wisest things
anyone ever said to me is that you don't make peace with your friends.
That is what the late Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin told me before
he signed the Oslo Accords with the Palestinians, with whom he had been
fighting for decades. It is well to remember -- I remind myself of it all
the time, even when I have arguments with members of the other party in
my Congress -- (laughter) -- you don't make peace with your friends.
Engagement with adversaries
is not the same thing as endorsement. It does not require setting aside
legitimate grievances. Indeed, I strongly believe that what has happened
since your Prime Minister made his courageous journey to Lahore only reinforces
the need for dialogue. (Applause.)
I can think of no enduring
solution to this problem that can be achieved in any other way. In the
end, for the sake of the innocents who always suffer the most, someone
must end the contest of inflicting and absorbing pain.
Let me also make clear,
as I have repeatedly, I have certainly not come to South Asia to mediate
the dispute over Kashmir. Only India and Pakistan can work out the problems
between them. And I will say the same thing to General Musharraf in Islamabad.
But if outsiders cannot resolve this problem, I hope you will create the
opportunity to do it yourselves, calling on the support of others who can
help where possible, as American diplomacy did in urging the Pakistanis
to go back behind the line of control in the Kargil crisis. (Applause.)
In the meantime, I will
continue to stress that this should be a time for restraint, for respect
for the line of control, for renewed lines of communication. Addressing
this challenge and all the others I mentioned will require us to be closer
partners and better friends, and to remember that good friends, out of
respect, are honest with one another. And even when they do not agree,
they always try to find common ground.
I have read that one
of the unique qualities of Indian classical music is its elasticity. The
composer lays down a foundation, a structure of melodic and rhythmic arrangements,
but the player has to improvise within that structure to bring the raga+
to life.
Our relationship is like
that. The composers of our past have given us a foundation of shared democratic
ideals. It is up to us to give life to those ideals in this time. The melodies
do not have to be the same to be beautiful to both of us. But if we listen
to each other, and we strive to realize our vision together, we will write
a symphony far greater than the sum of our individual notes.
The key is to genuinely
and respectfully listen to each other. If we do, Americans will better
understand the scope of India's achievements, and the dangers India still
faces in this troubled part of the world. We will understand that India
will not choose a particular course simply because others wish it to do
so. It will choose only what it believes its interests clearly demand and
what its people democratically embrace.
If we listen to each
other, I also believe Indians will understand better that America very
much wants you to succeed. Time and again -- (applause) -- time and again
in my time as President, America has found that it is the weakness of great
nations, not their strength, that threatens our vision for tomorrow.
So we want India to be
strong; to be secure; to be united; to be a force for a safer, more prosperous,
more democratic world. Whatever we ask of you, we ask in that spirit alone.
After too long a period of estrangement, India and the United States have
learned that being natural allies is a wonderful thing, but it is not enough.
Our task is to turn a common vision into common achievements so that partners
in spirit can be partners in fact.
We have already come
a long way to this day of new beginnings, but we still have promises to
keep, challenges to meet and hopes to redeem. So let us seize this moment
with humility in the fragile and fleeting nature of this life, but absolute
confidence in the power of the human spirit. Let us seize it for India,
for America, for all those with whom we share this small planet, and for
all the children that together we can give such bright tomorrows.
Thank you very much.
(Applause.)
