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Letter from Karachi: The Talibanisation of Pakistan

Letter from Karachi: The Talibanisation of Pakistan

Author: Ishtiaq Ali Mehkri
Publication: India Today
Date: August 7, 2000

Killing in the name of Allah seems to be the modus operandi of the religious parties in Pakistan.  This is the Talibanisation phenomenon--a direct offshoot to our meddling in the Afghan affairs to appease our erstwhile Cold War ally.

Pakistan today is no more a safe place to live.  A belief held by all and sundry.  Terrorism, corruption and a culture of intolerance have rented its social fabric.  Fanaticism in the disguise of Islam has become the new political doctrine.  Almost all religio-militant outfits are today obsessed with the Taliban style of governance and are bent upon taking over the reigns of the government by hook or crook.  Of late, they have even learnt to hoodwink and blackmail the government for everything they wish under the sun.  Surprisingly, the Establishment continues to nurse the evil for reasons best known to it.

The social mosaic on which the Talibanisation seeds have now taken their deep roots are the madrassas (religious seminaries) stretched countrywide.  They are their breeding ground where everything from hate to sectarian prejudice is taught.  Students enrolled in these madrassas come from the poor sections of the society where for their parents whatever is being offered in lieu of two times meals is worth praising.  And at the end of the day they prove to be perfect souls to deliver anything.  They think from the barrel of the gun and believe in a Stone Age life.

With such madrassas being run by Wahabis, Deobandis and Ahle Hadiths schools of thought, an uncompromising and intolerant mode of religious zeal has come into being.  Believers in other sects of Islam are considered anything, but not Muslims.  Jehad, fighting in the name of God, remains their political weapon and unfortunately their targets could be anybody: a liberal Sunni Muslim, a Shia, a Jew or a Hindu.  Though the government funds many of these seminaries through the Zakat emoluments, yet the government has no control over their conduct and syllabus affairs.

Most of these schools are considered to be potential hideouts for terrorists with their strings being pulled by their foreign mentors.  Statistics say that around 30,000 students from various seminaries in Pakistan have of late joined the Taliban movement.  Thus begins the vicious circle of recruiting men for Jehad to fight anywhere from Karachi to Kargil or even in Chechnya and Xingziang at the cost of a civil society in Pakistan.  All this goes on as the government looks the other way round.

Maulana Samiul Haq's love for Taliban style of governance is no secret.  Recently, he had the courage to advise the Chief Executive General Pervaiz Musharraf to "get liberal with the Taliban, and not to meddle in the affairs of religious schools." Political analysts believe that institutions where these radical students get training to participate in the Afghan Jehad are under the control of Maulana Fazulur Rehman and his Jamiatul Ulema-e-Islam party, which has its own network of seminaries countrywide, especially in Balochistan.

But there are saner religious elements, too.  Though they boast a religious mantle, but disassociate themselves from any sort of fanaticism.  The Jamaat-e-Islami of Qazi Hussain Ahmed is one such vibrant political voice.  Though it itself believes in Jehad and an Islamic government to its core, but shuns Talibanisation from Pakistan's body politik.  Recently, Qazi was seen convincing the US authorities and think tanks to drive home the point that "whatever Taliban do is not Islam."

Similarly, President of Shias TJP, Allama Sajid Ali Naqvi had openly asked the army chief, Gen Musharraf, to "undo the Talibanisation trend in Pakistan, if he wants to preserve its territorial integrity." From behind the bars, ousted Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif too fears the catastrophic impact of Talibanisation and has "blamed the military junta for appeasing them." A report presented to him shortly before his dismissal said that there were about 100 madarssas in Pakistan which impart militant training to their pupils, and that there were about 10,000 foreign nationals studying in these so-called centers of religious learning.

For Taliban, Pakistan is their second home.  Their activities originate here with the active help of the local religious elements and are free enough to strike anywhere, anytime.  Today they number in millions and are beyond anybody's control.  Their only agenda is to 'react' in the name of Jehad in and outside Pakistan.  They have access to more influential lobbies and groups in Pakistan than most Pakistanis.  "At times they even defy the ISI, premier intelligence agency, by enlisting the help of concerned in the corridors of power," writes Ahmed Rasheed in his best-selling book Oil, Islam and Taliban.Though Pakistan is believed to be the mentor of Taliban movement, but it has lost its writ.  Kabul rebuffed a recent demand by Pakistan to shut down training camps in Afghanistan and repatriate its outlaws.  What is euphemistically called the Afghan Transit Trade (ATT) has become the biggest smuggling racket in the world and has enmeshed the Taliban with Pakistani smugglers, transporters, drug-barons, bureaucrats, politicians, police and army officers.  The power of drugs, arms and ammunition, and money-laundering business has made the Taliban not only an unavoidable reality, but a political might, too.

With the advent of Taliban, the immediate threat to Pakistan is in the form of Pakhtunistan--endangering its integrity with any change across the Durand Line.  For long the military and political establishments in Islamabad considered a friendly Afghanistan to be their 'strategic depth.' The reality today is vice versa with the Afghans calling the shots.  Not only has the Taliban regime refused to recognise the Durand Line as their international border, contrary to the wishes of their mentors in Islamabad, but have also laid claims on parts of NWFP and Balochistan.  Ironically, Afghanistan and its Taliban movement are turning out to be anybody's Nicaragua for Pakistan.

(The writer is a journalist working with The Dawn, Karachi)
 


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