Author: Suman K Jha
Publication: The Pioneer
Date: August 26, 2000
The Bharatiya Janata
Party elected Bangaru Laxman, a Dalit leader (a Madiga) from Andhra Pradesh,
as its president recently. Laxman, who will formally take over the
reins of the party at the Nagpur meeting of the BJP national council beginning
on Saturday, is the first Dalit to have been chosen to head the party.
In an interview with The Pioneer, Laxman asserted that the BJP is not a
caste-based party and that his Dalit identity is only incidental.
However, he said that
his election would send a positive and reassuring signal to the weaker
sections at large.
Q.: Many view your election
as nothing more than a mere symbolic gesture. That the Prime Minister
wanted you for the top job perhaps made it much easier for you.
A.: If you are referring
to the "Brahmin-Bania" character of the party, please tell me about a political
party where these communities don't have a sizeable presence. Take
the Left, who don't believe in caste; or the Congress -- in its 114-yr-long
history it could find only two Dalit presidents -- or anyone else.
The BSP, of course, is an exception.
As for a Dalit being
made our party president, the BJP doesn't believe in caste politics.
The party doesn't recognise its committees, right from the village to national
level, unless they fulfil their constitutional obligations in terms of
representation to weaker sections. As for my credentials, in my 50-yr-long
association with the "vichardhara", I have held various organisational
posts including that of State president.
Q.: It's said that Dalits
in your party are mere figureheads. Not many of you can claim to
have mass following, say like that of a Kanshi Ram or a Ram Vilas Paswan.
A.: We don't believe
in exclusivity. BJP Dalit leaders aren't caste leaders. And
this has been appreciated by the Dalits too. Otherwise, how do you
think the party could have got the largest chunk of Dalit MPs and legislators
in State Assemblies.
Q.: You will formally
take charge of the party in Nagpur. Do you attach any significance
to it?
A.: Nagpur is the land
of inspiration, one provided by Dr Hedgewar and then by Dr Ambedkar.
I think this is the closest one can get to an ideal framework for Hindu
society.
Q.: Do you think the
influence of caste in society has weakened? You head the country's largest
political party. The President of India and the Lok Sabha Speaker
belong to the weaker sections of society.
A.: There has been a
change, no doubt, but it is not significant enough. But what we need
is a massive movement to bring about a change in the social psyche of the
people. The BJP has set an example for others to follow. The
weaker sections, who feel alienated from the mainstream, must be reassured
that they are very much a part and parcel of this very nation.
Q.: But a beginning has
to be made. And instead of accusing Christian missionaries of "luring
away" the downtrodden sections, don't you think the BJP, the RSS, and the
allied organisations should devote more time, energy and resources towards
creating an egalitarian Hindu social order?
A.: The RSS and the
allied organisations are already working in this direction. The Seva
Bharti, Samajik Samrasta Manch and other organisations are active in the
field. But yes, this needs to be re-focused and this is one of my
priority areas. We also need to evolve a national consensus on the
issue.
Q.: An oft-repeated charge
is that Dalit leaders in your party have to be sanskritised for upward
mobility. Christophe Jaffrelot, in one of his works for instance,
asks why does Satyanarain Jatia, a Dalit trade union leader, need to take
oath in Sanskrit to prove his credentials?
A.: Not many are aware
of the fact that Ambedkar himself was a great lover of Sanskrit.
In fact, he was barred from pursuing a course in grade VIII because he
happened to be a Dalit. For the simple reason that one happens to
be a Dalit, do you think we must disown our traditions? In any case, adopting
what you refer to as the "sanskritised way of life" only proves that the
Dalits are not inferior to anyone else.
Q.: Are you comfortable
with the idea of working with ideologues like Arun Shourie? Apart from
his well-known views on Ambedkar, he now heads the Disinvestment ministry.
It is also feared that the weaker sections would be the worst-hit as a
result of the disinvestment process.
A.: He wrote his "Worshipping
False Gods" much before joining the party. Also, I have condemned
the book on many occasions and I firmly believe that everyone, howsoever
big he might be, will have to fall in line. The party won't be dictated
by someone's personal agenda.
As for disinvestment,
you cannot stall the process. Loss-making units cannot be allowed
to run like this. But yes, the party would see to it that the weaker
sections' interests are protected. After all, I have been a trade
union leader myself.
Q.: What is the biggest
challenge that you, as the BJP president, are likely to face? How do you
propose to deal with religious leaders who want separate swastika temples
for the so-called low-caste converts?
A.: As I said, we need
to have a national movement, involving politicians, social activists, "mathadhipatis",
caste leaders to transform the social psyche of the nation. Birth-based
identities cannot be allowed to determine one's destiny. As for the
said Shankarcharya's statements, we condemn them in strongest terms.
Q.: How do you assess
the role of the Ayodhya movement?
A.: People from all
walks of life participated in the movement. The so-called low castes,
backward classes, all were there and the "caste feeling" had receded to
a great extent during the movement.
