Author: G. Parthasarathy
Publication: The Tribune
Date: May 23, 2001
All Pakistan's military rulers have
invariably professed their commitment to improving relations with India,
especially to gullible visitors from India. But their true sentiments about
their neighbour are more accurately reflected in the views they voice to
their own countrymen and to their western and Chinese interlocutors. The
redoubtable General Yahya Khan constantly spoke of his determination to
"crush India". Likewise, there is much that General Musharrraf has said
that it would be a folly to overlook. He did, after all, proclaim to the
English Speaking Union in Karachi in April, 1998, that India is a hegemonic
power and that low-intensity conflict with India would continue even if
the Kashmir issue were resolved to Pakistan's satisfaction.
While General Musharraf's indiscretions
as the Chief of Army Staff may be overlooked by some, what one cannot but
take note of are his pronouncements after his overthrow of the democratically
elected government and his assumption of office as Head of Government,
with the unique designation of Chief Executive. General Musharraf is the
first Pakistani leader to justify support for the activities of Pakistani
terrorist groups like the Lashkar-e-Toiba and the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen
on the grounds that their activities in Jammu and Kashmir are a "jehad"
that every Muslim is bound to support. But the good General, who has all
but openly announced his intention to use all possible means to become
his country's next President, really gave vent to his feelings just after
the recent visit of Chinese Prime Minister Zhu Rongji to his country. Speaking
at the Institute of Strategic Studies in Islamabad on November 15, he proclaimed
to an audience that included Indian High Commissioner Vijay Nambiar: "Pakistan's
security interests lie in maintaining a regional balance..and in this it
would desire an active Chinese role. This role will remain vital especially
in the changing geo-strategic realities. The end of the cold war has led
to a change in global equations, leading to the emergence of regional hegemons
or countries with hegemonistic tendencies. South Asia is a victim of regional
hegemonism. This creates regional imbalance, which in turn, threatens peace".
Musharraf had earlier rubbished the proposed American Missile Defence Programme
with the words: "China and Pakistan share common views on all subjects.
We are against any action that reinitiates a nuclear or missile race".
The Chinese delegation tried to
downplay the military dimensions of the Sino-Pakistan nexus, and Prime
Minister Zhu Rongji confined himself to generalities. It was, however,
quite obvious even before the Chinese Prime Minister arrived, that the
Pakistanis were driving themselves to a frenzy in the hope that the visit
would lead to a firm commitment from the Chinese side to develop the Gwadar
port on the Makran Coast in Baluchistan. The port is of strategic importance,
not only because of it being more distant from India than the existing
naval facilities at Karachi, but also because access to the facilities
in Gwadar will provide the capabilities for control of access to the strategic
Persian Gulf.. China suddenly appeared on the scene as a prospective financier
for this project just before Musharraf overthrew Nawaz Sharif. While the
Chinese sought to focus attention on the economic dimensions of the Gwadar
project, Musharraf was far less circumspect. Just after his address at
Islamabad on May 15, the editor of the Urdu daily "Ausaf", Hamid Mir posed
a question to Musharraf on the Indian navy and Admiral Sushil Kumar's visit
to Israel. Musharraf's reply was characteristically blunt and aggressive.
He told Mir that India was trying to acquire nuclear submarines and planning
to give a tough time to the Pakistan Navy. Turning to naval Chief Naval
Admiral Mirza who vigorously nodded in agreement, Musharraf said that by
giving the contract for the construction of Gwadar to China, Pakistan would
strengthen its trade with the Gulf and Central Asian countries. He then
pointedly added that the main objective of letting the Chinese develop
the Gwadar Port was that "as and when needed the Chinese navy would be
in Gwadar to give a befitting reply to anyone".
Despite its protestations of innocence,
the fact remains that China has consistently provided Pakistan with wide-ranging
assistance to enable Pakistan to develop nuclear weapons and a wide variety
of missiles, ranging from short range M-11s to medium range M-9s and intermediate
range M-18s. It is significant that within two years of the path-breaking
visit of Mr Rajiv Gandhi's to China in December 1988, China supplied M-11
missiles to Pakistan. Likewise, the ink had barely dried on the agreements
signed during Mr Narasimha Rao's visit to China, when the Chinese moved
ahead with the supply of M-9 missiles and ring magnets for Pakistan's nuclear
weapons programme. It is quite obvious that given its disputes and rivalries
with several of its East and South East Asian neighbours and the aggressive
postures it has adopted on its disputed maritime frontiers, China does
not at present wish to see any tensions on its borders with India. But
at the same time, its approach to our sub-continental neighbours and our
friends in ASEAN indicates that it will spare no effort to contain India
strategically. Its actions like continuing assistance for Pakistan's nuclear
and missile programmes are quite evidently a part of this policy.
In a recent book on the U.S-China-Pakistan
nexus during the 1971 Bangladesh crisis, Pakistani writer Syed Aijazuddin
draws attention to the "disdain" that Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai had for
India. Zhou described Nehru's "Discovery of India" to Nixon by saying:
"Yes, he (Nehru) was thinking of a great Indian Empire - Malaysia, Ceylon
etc. It would probably also include our Tibet". While much water has flowed
in the Ganga, Sindhu and Yangtze rivers since Zhou's comments, New Delhi
would be well advised to get a better idea of Chinese thinking of internal
political developments in India, even as it proceeds with its diplomacy
to normalise relations with its northern neighbour. Even a man as well
read and sophisticated as Zhou Enlai appeared to show little understanding
of the strength of our democratic institutions or the resilience of unity
based on diversity. Do China's present-day rulers have a better understanding
of the Indian polity? Oddly, China broke its golden rule of steering clear
of commenting on Pakistan's internal affairs for the first time, when Premier
Zhu Rongji showered praise on Musharraf for promoting stability and economic
development. This was distinctly odd, given the fact that even in the current
financial year, economic growth in Pakistan is going to hover around 3
per cent, with the balance of payments crisis showing no signs of ending.
Zhu's comments on this score received a strong rebuttal from Nawabzada
Nasrullah Khan of Pakistan's Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy.
It is quite obvious from Musharraf's
comments that apart from assistance to build the Gwadar Port, he expects
further Chinese assistance for his country's nuclear and missile programmes.
Given the state of its cash-strapped economy, Pakistan may also seek some
Saudi financial assistance for the Gwadar project. While China has provided
Pakistan with some obsolete aircraft for its air force, it is quite obvious
that without western or Russian assistance China's capabilities in this
field are at present limited and cannot be much of a source of concern
to us. But, given Musharraf's reference to "imbalance" in the sub-continent,
one cannot but speculate whether he would not like Chinese assistance for
the unsafeguarded Khushab Plutonium reactor to be followed up with the
provision of facilities to enable Pakistan to obtain more potent and powerful
nuclear devices. Further, it is now evident that in coming years, China's
demand for energy resources is going to lead to its increasing dependence
on energy sources in the Persian Gulf. A Chinese naval presence in Pakistan
at the very entrance to the Persian Gulf as advocated by Musharraf is something
that cannot be ignored either by Washington, Teheran or the member countries
of the Gulf Cooperation Council. These are issues that New Delhi should
ponder over and discuss candidly with its friends across the globe and
in the course of its wide-ranging dialogue with China.
(The writer is a former High Commissioner
of India to Pakistan.)
