India's bin Laden

Sub-title: Importance of Dawood's extradition in an asymmetric world
Author: Editor
Publications: The Indian Express
Dated: September 14, 2001

September 11 has for ever altered old notions of balance of power. As the hijackers who effectively converted civilian airliners into missiles demonstrated, superiority in military hardware is no more a fail-proof deterrent against those who would wreak unspeakable destruction. Efforts to make the world a safer place can no more be limited to non-proliferation programmes - why, for instance, would a terrorist strive to acquire weapons of mass destruction when a kitchen knife, if not a plastic one, can match their destructive power? And most worryingly, established modes of military retaliation too no longer hold. For, how does a democratic society ensure retribution when the enemy is no longer a state, when the perpetrators of violence are holed up in dingy caves or plush suburbs amidst innocent civilians? In other words, how does a civilised state wage battle against these shadowy purveyors of carnage who so easily jump countries and hop from one safe haven to another? If these questions are being asked with greater urgency in various national capitals, if worries are being voiced that these problems must be addressed or else another piece of prime real estate will be leveled the day after, here in India the situation is somewhat different. Because India has already experienced that nightmare. It has for long been grappling with this very dilemma: trying to obtain justice for the synchronised blasts in Bombay eight years ago, trying to bring to book criminals aided by Pakistan's military agencies, criminals known to be in tranquil residence in that country. Ditto for the masterminds of the Kandahar hijack. Consider the ludicrous situation. A known criminal implicated in the Bombay blasts case, against whom Interpol has issued ''red corner'' notices, continues to reside in Karachi in full view of anybody who'd care to look. The president of Pakistan, however, gives a personal guarantee during a ''historic'' visit to India that the underworld don is not living in his country. The question of his extradition does not arise, he concludes. Never mind that Dawood obligingly left Karachi for a few days, proving through that very helpful gesture his deep bonds with the powers that be. And never mind that the Pakistan media has provided ample proof of Dawood's presence in Pakistan.

The Bush administration has fast consolidated consensus on its post-WTC argument that the fight against terror must include action against the nations who support terrorist groups. If this global consensus is to endure, Dawood's extradition is imperative. For, not only is he symbolic of the rogue's gallery being given sanctuary in Pakistan - the Masood Azhars, the Memons, etc - but his extradition would establish that acts of senseless destruction will no longer be tolerated. The current international mood is more than a window of opportunity for the Indian government. It is a challenge that it match its words of outrage with swift action, with irrefutable proof. Dawood and his supporters have been doing an Osama bin Laden on India for far too long - his freedom to enjoy his fleet of luxury cars in Karachi is a constant reminder that they still enjoy an asymmetric advantage.
 

Back                          Top