Author: Abdul Hamid Khan
Publication: www.tehelka.com
Date: December 3, 2001
URL: http://www.tehelka.com/channels/currentaffairs/2001/dec/3/ca120301abdul2.htm
Abdul Hamid Khan, chairperson of
the Balawaristan National Front, tells V K Shashikumar that the people
of Balawaristan are fighting for freedom from Pakistani oppression, and
expresses distress at the Indian government turning a deaf ear to their
appeals for help
Q.: Why is the movement for Balawaristan
not known to the world? Is the Pakistan government's suppression of political
activity in Gilgit and Baltistan responsible for this?
A.: International attention is
focussed only on those political concerns that appear in the international
media. Unfortunately, the international press, particularly Western press,
is not bothered with a peaceful struggle. Only when a struggle turns into
an armed struggle does it attract media attention. The people of Balawaristan
(Pakistan Occupied Gilgit Baltistan (POGB)) believe in peaceful political
struggle, and that unfortunately does not attract the attention of the
world community.
Another important aspect is that
the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) controls the Pakistani media, and
it is highly risky for the Pakistani media to give any sort of coverage
to the Balawaristan freedom movement.
Thirdly, foreign journalists and
human rights activists are not allowed to enter Balawaristan. If at all
anybody does risk entering Balawaristan, the ISI and other agencies monitor
the activities of that person very closely. All copies of a local magazine,
Balawaristan Times, were confiscated and banned in 1994; the Gilgit Digest
was banned in 1998; Weekly K2 was banned and its editor, Raja Hussain Khan
Maqpoon, was kidnapped by the ISI from his Rawalpindi office twice, and
sent to prison. Dozens of fake cases were registered against him in different
courts in Balawaristan. Finally, Balawaristan is a closed area, and Pakistan
does not allow democratic activities here. I think there is no region in
the world where political activists face as many sedition cases as the
activists in Balawaristan do. More than a 100 political leaders and workers
are facing sedition charges in Balawaristan. In spite of the extremely
high level of repression, however, the world community remains unconcerned
about the fate of the two million people of Balawaristan.
Q.: What is the religious affiliation
and social constitution of the people of Balawaristan?
A.: Balawaristan has a 100 per
cent Muslim population. However, Pakistan follows an unstated policy of
accepting only the Wahabi sect among Muslims. The religious affiliation
of Balawaristan was with Afghanistan, Central Asia, Kashghar, Yarkand of
China and Kashmir. The first person to spread Islam in Balawaristan was
Syed Shah Afzal of Badakhshan, Afghanistan. He entered the state of Yasen
and spread Islam among the people of Yasen in 725 AD. The people of Yasen
were the first to embrace Ismailia Islam in this region. Shah Salim spread
Islam in Hunza in 1800-21. The people of Tangir/Darel embraced Sunni Islam
after 1890. Syed Mohammad Noor Bux came to Khapoolo Baltistan in 1464,
and preached the Noor Buxi Islam. Syed Ali Tusi and Syed Nasir Tusi came
to Baltistan, and spread Shia Islam in 17th century. The last people of
Balawaristan to embrace Sunni Islam were the people of Chilas, in 1868.
The ratio of different Islamic sects
in this region is: 45 per cent Shia, 25 per cent Sunni, 20 per cent Ismailia
and 10 per cent Noor Buxi. Sunnis are in majority in Dardistan (Diamar),
Shia in Baltistan and Nagir, Noor Buxi in Baltistan (Ghanchhe, Khapoolo)
and Ismailia in Brooshaal (Yasen, Hunza, Pooyaal, Ishkomen and Goopes).
There was absolute sectarian harmony during the British rule and during
the reign of the Maharaja. When Pakistan entered Balwaristan, and treacherously
annexed it, a sectarian gap was created among the people of Balawaristan.
Ninety per cent of the soldiers of Gilgit Scouts, who liberated Balawaristan
from Maharaja, were Shia Imami Ismailia and Shia, while less than 10 per
cent were Sunnis. This was also the ratio of those who participated in
the Kargil War.
But as far as governmental benefits
or high-ranking positions in the military, police, judiciary and other
departments are concerned, the Sunnis are in a dominant position. The Sunnis
hold 90 per cent of these posts, while Shias and Ismailis hold the remaining
10 per cent. Since employment opportunities and political rights are almost
entirely in the hands of the Sunnis, the other Muslim sects have suffered.
The Pakistani aim has been to create
sectarian rifts between our people. It ought to concern the international
community that while the people of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) have
been given political and economic rights, the people of Balawaristan have
no such rights. One reason for this, of course, is our ethnicity, which
is different from that of the PoK. Shias and Ismailis are mostly Boohoo
(Yashkoon) ethnically, the Shias of Baltistan belong to the Balti stock,
and the Sunnis of Dardistan (Diamar) are mostly Sheen (Dard) ethnically.
Q.: Are Pakistan's non-democratic
policies based solely on religious grounds?
A.: No, not at all. The superiority
complex of the Pakistani armed forces is largely responsible for this.
The Pakistani judiciary is also responsible; it has always helped the powerful
military ruler, by constantly disregarding political rights. Even in a
democratic government, the military plays a key role. As far as the sectarian
thinking of the Pakistan Army is concerned, the soldiers are mostly of
the Sunni faith, but the officers belong to the fundamentalist Wahabi sect.
During late General Zia-ul-Haq's tenure, many Wahabi fundamentalists were
recruited and promoted in the forces, as well as in the civil administration.
That policy of General Zia has now paid off, and is very visible in the
manner in which the Wahabi fundamentalists have squeezed out the moderates
in Pakistan.
Q.: Do you think that POGB and PoK
would have fared better, had they had been part of the Indian democracy?
A.: Yes, of course. Our rights
would have been protected, had we been part of India.
Q.: How old is the political movement
in Balawaristan?
A.: The freedom movement has been
on since 1992.
Q.: Is the Indian government, or
its agencies, helping your movement? Do you want the Indian government
to highlight the gross violations of international humanitarian law in
Gilgit Baltistan?
A.: Unfortunately, we have received
no help from the Government of India. We think there is some kind of mutual
understanding between the governments of Pakistan and India to keep the
people of Balawaristan deprived of all their rights. The attitude of the
Indian media is worse than Pakistan's, as far as the Balawaristan cause
is concerned. The Indian media highlights that PoK, which consists of 4,000
sq miles is part of J&K, and continues to neglect Balawaristan, which
is seven times the size of PoK, and important in terms of both resource
and strategic interests.
Q.: How is Gilgit Baltistan culturally
different from PoK?
A.: There is a huge difference
in the cultures of the two regions. The culture of POGB is unique. There
is some similarity with the culture of POGB and that of Ladakh/Kargil,
Kashghar/Yarkand of China, Badakhshan of Afghanistan and Central Asia.
The culture of PoK resembles the culture of the Punjab of Pakistan.
Q.: Historically, the cultural centre
of this region was Skardu. Do you think, that Gilgit Baltistan, Kargil/Ladakh
form one cultural unit, and therefore should be united and be part of the
Indian Union?
A.: Skardu was the cultural centre
to the east of Balawaristan, and Gilgit and Yasen states to the northwest.
The BNF stand is that all these parts are historically similar, and culturally
have a strong affinity brought about by virtue of blood relations. That
is why BNF demands that all these areas - including Chitral and Shenaki
Kohistan (North West Frontier Province) (NWFP) occupied by Pakistan), POGB
and Ladakh/Kargil (occupied by India) - should be united again. Our first
priority is an independent Balawaristan, which is not part of any country.
However, if the only choice open to us is to go with either India or Pakistan,
we would definitely not go with Pakistan, due to the harsh experiences
of the past 54 years.
Q.: How does trans-LoC (line of
control) firing affect the people of Gilgit Baltistan?
A.: The people of Baltistan and
Astore, which are areas near the Indian-held J&K border, have been
badly affected, due to the Indian Army's retaliation to Pakistan-sponsored
terrorism. About 400 families were displaced, properties worth millions
were destroyed, and many innocent people lost their lives. Pakistan has
armed thousands of its Wahabi terrorists, and settled them in different
parts of Balawaristan, mainly in Gilgit and Baltistan. Hundreds of innocent
unemployed youth of Balawaristan were deceived by the ISI, and sent to
Afghanistan and Indian-held Kashmir to carry out terrorist activities.
As a result, many innocent persons lost their lives, and sectarian harmony
is also disturbed.
Q.: How many terrorist training
camps has Pakistan established in Gilgit Baltistan?
A.: There are many camps throughout
Balawaristan. Tangir and Darel in Dardistan district (formerly Diamar),
Astore, Darul-Uloom, Juglote (Brooshaal district), Gilgit, Madrassa Nusratul-Islam,
Konodas, Skardu city, and Ghowadi village near Skardu are the main terrorist
training camps established and monitored by the ISI. Besides, there is
a big camp near Mansehra of NWFP on the Karakorum Highway (KKH), from where
the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban, Kashmiri, Pakistani and other terrorists
are deputed to different parts of POGB, PoK and across the borders to Afghanistan
and Indian-held Kashmir (IHK). It is interesting to note that approximately
12,000 Kalashnikovs have been stored in Skardu city for terrorism, 64 double-door
pick-ups are used to supply weapons for Baltistan alone. In fact, the ISI
has turned the whole region into a military depot, which could explode
anytime.
Q.: Is there any legislature or
council of elected representatives in Gilgit Baltistan?
A.: These terms exist only on paper,
and Pakistanis use fraudulent institutions to misguide the world community.
The Pakistanis have set up a Northern Areas Legislative Council (NALC).
Allow me to quote the Pakistani Supreme Court regarding the powers of this
so-called "council" in its verdict on May 12, 1999, petition No. 11/94,
filed by some Pakistani agents through an ISI-sponsored trust, the Al-Jihad
Trust. (It is important to remember that the US Federal Intelligence agencies
have singled out the Al-Jihad Trust as one of the main financiers of Osama
bin Laden and the Taliban.)
This was the ISI's attempt to counter
the freedom struggle of the BNF. The Supreme Court said, "We allow the
above petitions, and direct the respondent federation as under: To initiate
appropriate administrative and legislative measures within a period of
six months from today to make necessary amendments in the constitution,
and the relevant statute/statutes/order/orders/rules/notification/ notifications,
to ensure that the people of Northern Areas (Gilgit Baltistan) enjoy their
above fundamental rights, namely, to be governed through their chosen representatives,
and to have access to justice through an independent judiciary, inter alia
for enforcement of their fundamental rights guaranteed under the constitution."
Q.: Did the Pakistani government
adhere to the Court order?
A.: Even three years after this
judgment was pronounced, the people of POGB are yet to set up a representative
council to consider and debate the political, social, and economic development
issues of this region. Our human rights, and lack of access to judicial
remedy, continue to remain unprotected. I would like to quote some unanimous
resolutions adopted by the NALC in its sessions held in Gilgit:
* A resolution was passed in the
fourth session of the NACL, in its 18-23 September, 2000 session, for approval
of the procedure and conduct of business rules 2000, and submitted to the
personal secretary (PS) of the chief executive (CE). The CE is a Pathan
from NWFP imposed by Pakistan as minister for Kashmir Affairs and Northern
Areas Affairs (KANA). There was no response.
* There was a proposal for renaming
the Basha Dam as Diamar Dam, and construction of a substitute road for
the affected people of the Karakorum Highway. This was passed during the
November 2000 session, and submitted to the PS to the CE. Action on the
resolution is still awaited.
* Grant of royalty to Balawaristan
instead NWFP. No response.
* Grant of compensation to the people
displaced before construction of the dam. No response.
* Right of self-rule in the light
of Supreme Court of Pakistan judgment, dated May 28, 1999, submitted to
PS of CE. No response.
* Abolition of Supreme Judicial
Council comprising of bureaucrats to ensure independent judiciary. No response.
* Bringing the Chief Court of Gilgit
Baltistan at par with the High Court. No response from Pakistan.
* The question of grant of compensation,
to those affected by border firing in Qamari and Minimarg districts of
Diamar, was raised during the November 2000 session. No action was taken.
* A resolution on taking up development
activities through the NACL, instead of Pakistan-imposed bureaucrats was
adopted. Action on this is still awaited.
* A proposal for inclusion of development
schemes in the annual development programme (ADP), until such time that
the people of Balawaristan are granted legal and democratic rights, was
adopted. No response.
* On November 20, 2000, the NACL
passed a unanimous resolution, and demanded that the reign of their motherland
be handed over to them. At present, it is in the hands of a Pakistani,
who is imposed as chief executive of the NACL in a patently undemocratic
manner. The result of this demand was that NACL members were banned from
entering any government offices.
Q.: How is this region administered
by Pakistan?
A.: The KANA Division is the sole
administrative authority. It enjoys autocratic powers, and no concurrent
responsibilities. KANA has set up its administration in Balawaristan, where
all appointments - from the peon to the highest-grade employees - are made
from Pakistan, more specifically, from its NWFP province. Drugs and arms
smugglers have also found a position in this administration. All posts
- inspector general of police, chief secretary, force commander of the
Northern Areas, or in the paramilitary forces, judiciary, education or
financial institutions - are occupied by political appointees under the
direction of Islamabad.
The minister of KANA, who is also
called chief executive, Northern Areas, can depute any person from his
NWFP constituency as head of the imposed Chief Court on contract basis.
You can imagine the standard of justice provided by a contract judge to
the indigenous people of Balawaristan on the instruction of his boss (minister
of KANA). There is no High Court or Supreme Court in Balawaristan, and
nobody is allowed to file a writ on a human rights violation or appeal
against the decision of the Chief Court. This situation is made even graver
by the fact that this contractor (who is called chairperson of the Chief
Court) has the power to award death sentences to the local people. Local
people are not allowed to become the head of any institution, whether it
is related to the forces or civilian administration.
