Author: Lally Weymouth (Newsweek)
Publication: The Indian Express
Date: June 24, 2002
URL: http://www.indian-express.com/archive_full_story.php?content_id=4844
Q.: Did you tell US Deputy Secretary
of State Richard Armitage that you would stop cross-border terrorism and
shut down training camps which exist in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and in
Pakistan?
A.: First of all, I don't call
it cross-border terrorism. There is a freedom struggle going on in Kashmir.
What I said is that there is no movement across the Line of Control. There
was no talk of anything else. I have made clear that a response is required
from the Indian side.
Q.: US and Indian officials say
that the number of terrorist infiltrations from Pakistan into Pakistani-controlled
Kashmir has decreased.
A.: I've told President Bush nothing
is happening across the Line of Control. This is the assurance I've given.
I'm not going to give you an assurance that for years nothing will happen.
We must address the root cause, the cause of Kashmir. If you want a guarantee
of peace, there are three ways: 1) denuclearise South Asia; 2) ensure a
conventional deterrence so that war never takes place in the subcontinent;
3) find a solution to the Kashmir problem.
Q.: So you are going to build up
your conventional defences?
A.: We should. Our army is deterrence
enough at the moment. But the Indians are increasing their defence budget,
having contracted for billions of dollars of purchases from Russia and
the West. If they tilt the conventional balance, we shall have to restore
it.
Q.: I thought India had a conventional
edge.
A.: If that were the case, India
would have attacked us.
Q.: How close did you come to a
war with India recently?
A.: It was very close. India and
Pakistan both had moved their forces to the border. Therefore, the capability
of adventurism was there. As far as Pakistan was concerned, we said we
will not initiate a war, but if attacked, we will defend offensively.
Q.: Do you think that some kind
of autonomy is a solution for Kashmir or accepting the Line of Control
as a border?
A.: That is just not possible.
If the Line of Control were the border, what have we fought two wars for?
Q.: Is this moment a turning point
for Pakistani-Indian relations or just a pause between crises?
A.: This is certainly a turning
point for the good. I have an assurance: I have been told by President
Bush and Deputy Secretary Armitage that, yes, they (Indian officials) need
to move forward on the initiation of a dialogue on Kashmir.
Q.: Can Vajpayee be your partner?
A.: He had become a partner in
Agra (at their summit last July in India). He invited me and I gave him
credit for it. The recognition of Kashmir as the core issue was very much
in the communique that was drafted by me, Vajpayee, Indian Foreign Minister
Jaswant Singh and my foreign minister, Abdul Sattar.
Q.: It is said that you made a 180-degree
turn after Sept 11, when you dropped the Taliban. Now it is said that you
may do the same with regard to the jehadis in Kashmir.
A.: Yes, on Afghanistan, we changed
our policy. We saw the environment and thought we should join the coalition.
If you call it 180 degrees, okay. But Kashmir is our national interest.
Q.: You have another problem - the
fundamentalist groups that have been out of control in your country.
A.: There are three kinds of militancy
that we are confronting. One is Afghanistan- related. We don't want a single
Al Qaeda member on Pakistani territory...
Q.: Vajpayee says you know where
Osama bin Laden is and that the remnants of Al Qaeda are here.
A.: That is how they keep maligning
us. If they are hiding somewhere, we are trying to locate them. Pakistan
has arrested over 300 people and handed them over. I cannot say we have
freed Pakistan from Al Qaeda. But Abu Zubaida (an Al Qaeda leader now in
US custody) was caught by us...The second kind of militancy is Kashmir-related.
The third is internal: domestic extremism, religious fanaticism, sectarian
extremism. I moved against five political groups....It's not easy to tackle
these people, and no government ever dared touch them...There is a lot
of fallout. This cannot be accomplished by a few orders.
Q.: Who's responsible for the attack
on the US Consulate in Karachi?
A.: One possibility is the Al Qaeda.
The other is that it's RAW-related. RAW does a lot of anti-Pakistan activity
within Pakistan. So many bomb blasts have been taking place. Who is brewing
this? Obviously they are RAW-inspired. They (the Indians) don't like us
getting close to the US.
Q.: What is your opinion about the
upcoming elections in Kashmir? It is said that Pakistani-backed groups
have killed moderates like the Kashmiri leader Abdul Ghani Lone.
A.: You believe that? Lone was
addressing about 1,000 people. Obviously, there were (Indian) military
men all around.
Q.: In this region, would you like
to see the US try to bring about a settlement?
A.: The US is the only country
which can persuade India to initiate a dialogue and move towards a solution
of Kashmir. Bilateralism hasn't worked.
Q.: Do you believe that Pakistan's
nuclear option prevented war recently?
A.: No, I think it was (our) conventional
deterrence.
Q.: Do you have any thoughts about
returning this country to a more democratic system?
A.: We will have elections in October,
though we have the most democratic system now, a functional democracy.
But Pakistan has never had democracy with elected governments. I am a dictator
all right, because I am not elected. But I think my functioning is most
democratic.
Q.: Even after October, you will
still be the most powerful man in the country.
A.: No, not after October. My power
is as the Chief Executive of Pakistan, not as the President of Pakistan.
After October, I will be left as the President and Chief of Army Staff.
I will retain the authority to dismiss (the government). Our experience
is that the government itself was looting and plundering and misgoverning.
That needs to be checked.
Q.: But you have the advantage of
the loyalty of the army.
A.: Everyone thinks being a military
man means I'm an abuser of power. We have to have elections and get a prime
minister. This prime minister must perform. You can't judge actions taken
here in the context of the US. You have to be in my shoes to understand
the difficulties. This is a complicated place. We have four mind-sets to
satisfy: What do Pakistanis think of various issues? What does the US think?
What do the Kashmiris think? What do the Indians think? I have to do this
balancing act and it is not an easy job.
(LATWP)
