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'A little clear thinking'

'A little clear thinking'

Author: Irfan Husain
Publication: Dawn
Date: November 1, 2003

Extracting concessions aimed at promoting peace with our neighbour out of the Pakistani establishment is as tough as yanking out a healthy tooth from the jaws of a difficult patient.

The grudging, ungracious response to India's 'peace package' took a week of foot-dragging; in this week, hardly a day passed without the labels 'unoriginal' and 'rehashed' being applied to the Indian proposals by spokesmen and 'sources' at the foreign office. But it must be noted that many of New Delhi's suggestions were aimed at undoing the mischief their own earlier decisions had caused. Sporting ties as well as air, road and rail traffic had all been shut down by the BJP government.

Seldom have there been two such reluctant participants of a peace process. Over the last 55 years, attitudes have calcified in the military and foreign affairs bureaucracies on both sides. Simultaneously, the virulent propaganda that hangs over the subcontinent like a permanent stench has done its work, poisoning the minds of successive generations.

Journalists on both sides have fallen in line, seldom questioning the status quo and the unimaginative mindset that drives the Kashmir policies of both countries.

But it is Pakistan that suffers far more, given the fragility of its economy and the proportionately heavier burden the defence establishment imposes on us. In this space last week, Akbar Zaidi, an economist had detailed the decline of the Pakistani economy comparing it with India's robust performance over much of the past decade. Even Bangladesh and Nepal have been performing better than we have.

Among the host of statistics he gives to prove his point, for me the most telling were those for poverty: while the number of those living below the poverty line in India has decreased from 45 per cent in 1983 to 26 per cent today, in Pakistan the size of this unfortunate group has increased from 17 per cent in 1987 to 33 per cent today.

The writer concludes by saying: "The difference is clear: India's economic growth has by far overtaken Pakistan's, a trend that is unlikely to be reversed for some time to come. The implications of this should be obvious to all. It is high time that Pakistan's leadership realizes this fact and starts putting its economic, social, political and foreign affairs houses in order".

So far, there is no sign that our leadership has taken these unpleasant facts into their calculations. While India with its huge economy can afford to maintain the present level of confrontation indefinitely, we simply cannot. If the events following 9/11 gave our economy an infusion of dollars, this has not changed the macro-economic realities. There are barely any fresh investments in industry; exports continue to languish; expenditure on development is minimal; and unemployment is soaring.

Any leadership concerned with the well-being of the country would have taken steps to cut spending on defence. But since our military establishment is thriving even if the rest of the country is not, it continues its sabre-rattling to keep the Kashmir issue alive instead of agreeing to put it on the back burner.

Let me quote another economist from another country and another era: John Maynard Keynes was an iconic figure among policy makers and economists and wrote many books and articles which changed the direction of economic policy. As a student of the subject, I read many of them, but none has lingered longer than this simple, elegant truth: "Nothing is required, and nothing will avail, except a little, a very little clear thinking."

Alas, this precious commodity is in very short supply in our part of the world. Anybody with an ounce of intelligence will tell you that when bargaining over something, it is best to do so from a position of strength: the weaker you are compared to the other side, the worst will the final settlement be for you. If, as is the case currently, India is getting stronger while Pakistan is becoming progressively weaker, our bargaining position is being constantly eroded.

A couple of years ago, I met a senior Congress MP at a dinner in New Delhi where I asked him what his party would do vis-a-vis Kashmir and Pakistan if it was in power. "We might accept the Line of Control as the international border; you should not expect anything more."

Clearly, time is not on our side. As it is, apart from economic arguments, we have been steadily losing diplomatic support. In the 1965 war, China, Turkey, Iran and Indonesia helped us in many ways; in 1971, Nixon ordered the famous 'tilt' towards Pakistan; and Clinton bailed us out of the Kargil mess. Who would lift a finger if there were another war?

Our closest allies and friends have long been advising us to enter into bilateral talks with India to sort out the Kashmir issue. The rest of the world is bored stiff. And the people of both countries are being held hostage by the rigid attitude among the establishments of both countries.

But to be fair, the Indian prime minister has shown more flexibility and far more willingness to go the extra mile. And by taking the initiative time and again, he has made the Pakistani leadership seem unreasonable and bellicose. The world simply cannot understand why Pakistan won't agree to normalize relations while continuing talks on Kashmir.

China and India went to war over their respective claims to land in NEFA over 40 years ago, and the dispute is still unresolved. But the two Asian giants went on trading and talking, and now there is every chance that they will settle this problem through long, patient negotiations involving considerable give-and-take.

Out of the dozen proposals from New Delhi aimed at normalizing relations, Pakistan has put several in cold storage, saying they should be studied and discussed further. This has been the standard bureaucratic response to fresh ideas on both sides. Some 15 years ago, I led an official delegation to New Delhi to negotiate a cultural agreement between the two countries. Simultaneously, a colleague from the interior ministry was holding talks to ease travel restrictions, and turned down proposal after proposal to permit freer movement of students, tourists and businessmen.

Since then, things have got even worse. Isn't it time we grew up?
 


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