Author:
Publication: The White House
Date: November 6, 2003
URL: http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2003/11/20031106-2.html
Remarks by the President at the
20th Anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy
United States Chamber of Commerce
Washington, D.C.
The President: Thank you all very
much. Please be seated. Thanks for the warm welcome, and thanks for inviting
me to join you in this 20th anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy.
The staff and directors of this organization have seen a lot of history
over the last two decades, you've been a part of that history. By speaking
for and standing for freedom, you've lifted the hopes of people around
the world, and you've brought great credit to America.
I appreciate Vin for the short introduction.
I'm a man who likes short introductions. And he didn't let me down.
But more importantly, I appreciate the invitation. I appreciate the members
of Congress who are here, senators from both political parties, members
of the House of Representatives from both political parties. I appreciate
the ambassadors who are here. I appreciate the guests who have come. I
appreciate the bipartisan spirit, the nonpartisan spirit of the National
Endowment for Democracy. I'm glad that Republicans and Democrats and independents
are working together to advance human liberty.
The roots of our democracy can be
traced to England, and to its Parliament -- and so can the roots of this
organization. In June of 1982, President Ronald Reagan spoke at Westminster
Palace and declared, the turning point had arrived in history. He argued
that Soviet communism had failed, precisely because it did not respect
its own people -- their creativity, their genius and their rights.
President Reagan said that the day
of Soviet tyranny was passing, that freedom had a momentum which would
not be halted. He gave this organization its mandate: to add to the momentum
of freedom across the world. Your mandate was important 20 years ago; it
is equally important today. (Applause.)
A number of critics were dismissive
of that speech by the President. According to one editorial of the time,
"It seems hard to be a sophisticated European and also an admirer of Ronald
Reagan." (Laughter.) Some observers on both sides of the Atlantic pronounced
the speech simplistic and naive, and even dangerous. In fact, Ronald Reagan's
words were courageous and optimistic and entirely correct. (Applause.)
The great democratic movement President
Reagan described was already well underway. In the early 1970s, there were
about 40 democracies in the world. By the middle of that decade, Portugal
and Spain and Greece held free elections. Soon there were new democracies
in Latin America, and free institutions were spreading in Korea, in Taiwan,
and in East Asia. This very week in 1989, there were protests in East Berlin
and in Leipzig. By the end of that year, every communist dictatorship in
Central America* had collapsed. Within another year, the South African
government released Nelson Mandela. Four years later, he was elected president
of his country -- ascending, like Walesa and Havel, from prisoner of state
to head of state.
As the 20th century ended, there
were around 120 democracies in the world -- and I can assure you more are
on the way. (Applause.) Ronald Reagan would be pleased, and he would not
be surprised.
We've witnessed, in little over
a generation, the swiftest advance of freedom in the 2,500 year story of
democracy. Historians in the future will offer their own explanations for
why this happened. Yet we already know some of the reasons they will cite.
It is no accident that the rise of so many democracies took place in a
time when the world's most influential nation was itself a democracy.
The United States made military
and moral commitments in Europe and Asia, which protected free nations
from aggression, and created the conditions in which new democracies could
flourish. As we provided security for whole nations, we also provided inspiration
for oppressed peoples. In prison camps, in banned union meetings, in clandestine
churches, men and women knew that the whole world was not sharing their
own nightmare. They knew of at least one place -- a bright and hopeful
land -- where freedom was valued and secure. And they prayed that America
would not forget them, or forget the mission to promote liberty around
the world.
Historians will note that in many
nations, the advance of markets and free enterprise helped to create a
middle class that was confident enough to demand their own rights. They
will point to the role of technology in frustrating censorship and central
control -- and marvel at the power of instant communications to spread
the truth, the news, and courage across borders.
Historians in the future will reflect
on an extraordinary, undeniable fact: Over time, free nations grow stronger
and dictatorships grow weaker. In the middle of the 20th century, some
imagined that the central planning and social regimentation were a shortcut
to national strength. In fact, the prosperity, and social vitality and
technological progress of a people are directly determined by extent of
their liberty. Freedom honors and unleashes human creativity -- and creativity
determines the strength and wealth of nations. Liberty is both the plan
of Heaven for humanity, and the best hope for progress here on Earth.
The progress of liberty is a powerful
trend. Yet, we also know that liberty, if not defended, can be lost. The
success of freedom is not determined by some dialectic of history. By definition,
the success of freedom rests upon the choices and the courage of free peoples,
and upon their willingness to sacrifice. In the trenches of World War I,
through a two-front war in the 1940s, the difficult battles of Korea and
Vietnam, and in missions of rescue and liberation on nearly every continent,
Americans have amply displayed our willingness to sacrifice for liberty.
The sacrifices of Americans have
not always been recognized or appreciated, yet they have been worthwhile.
Because we and our allies were steadfast, Germany and Japan are democratic
nations that no longer threaten the world. A global nuclear standoff with
the Soviet Union ended peacefully -- as did the Soviet Union. The nations
of Europe are moving towards unity, not dividing into armed camps and descending
into genocide. Every nation has learned, or should have learned, an important
lesson: Freedom is worth fighting for, dying for, and standing for -- and
the advance of freedom leads to peace. (Applause.)
And now we must apply that lesson
in our own time. We've reached another great turning point -- and the resolve
we show will shape the next stage of the world democratic movement.
Our commitment to democracy is tested
in countries like Cuba and Burma and North Korea and Zimbabwe - - outposts
of oppression in our world. The people in these nations live in captivity,
and fear and silence. Yet, these regimes cannot hold back freedom forever
-- and, one day, from prison camps and prison cells, and from exile, the
leaders of new democracies will arrive. (Applause.) Communism, and militarism
and rule by the capricious and corrupt are the relics of a passing era.
And we will stand with these oppressed peoples until the day of their freedom
finally arrives. (Applause.)
Our commitment to democracy is tested
in China. That nation now has a sliver, a fragment of liberty. Yet, China's
people will eventually want their liberty pure and whole. China has discovered
that economic freedom leads to national wealth. China's leaders will also
discover that freedom is indivisible -- that social and religious freedom
is also essential to national greatness and national dignity. Eventually,
men and women who are allowed to control their own wealth will insist on
controlling their own lives and their own country.
Our commitment to democracy is also
tested in the Middle East, which is my focus today, and must be a focus
of American policy for decades to come. In many nations of the Middle East
-- countries of great strategic importance -- democracy has not yet taken
root. And the questions arise: Are the peoples of the Middle East somehow
beyond the reach of liberty? Are millions of men and women and children
condemned by history or culture to live in despotism? Are they alone never
to know freedom, and never even to have a choice in the matter? I, for
one, do not believe it. I believe every person has the ability and the
right to be free. (Applause.)
Some skeptics of democracy assert
that the traditions of Islam are inhospitable to the representative government.
This "cultural condescension," as Ronald Reagan termed it, has a long history.
After the Japanese surrender in 1945, a so-called Japan expert asserted
that democracy in that former empire would "never work." Another observer
declared the prospects for democracy in post-Hitler Germany are, and I
quote, "most uncertain at best" -- he made that claim in 1957. Seventy-four
years ago, The Sunday London Times declared nine-tenths of the population
of India to be "illiterates not caring a fig for politics." Yet when Indian
democracy was imperiled in the 1970s, the Indian people showed their commitment
to liberty in a national referendum that saved their form of government.
Time after time, observers have
questioned whether this country, or that people, or this group, are "ready"
for democracy -- as if freedom were a prize you win for meeting our own
Western standards of progress. In fact, the daily work of democracy itself
is the path of progress. It teaches cooperation, the free exchange of ideas,
and the peaceful resolution of differences. As men and women are showing,
from Bangladesh to Botswana, to Mongolia, it is the practice of democracy
that makes a nation ready for democracy, and every nation can start on
this path.
It should be clear to all that Islam
-- the faith of one-fifth of humanity -- is consistent with democratic
rule. Democratic progress is found in many predominantly Muslim countries
-- in Turkey and Indonesia, and Senegal and Albania, Niger and Sierra Leone.
Muslim men and women are good citizens of India and South Africa, of the
nations of Western Europe, and of the United States of America.
More than half of all the Muslims
in the world live in freedom under democratically constituted governments.
They succeed in democratic societies, not in spite of their faith, but
because of it. A religion that demands individual moral accountability,
and encourages the encounter of the individual with God, is fully compatible
with the rights and responsibilities of self-government.
Yet there's a great challenge today
in the Middle East. In the words of a recent report by Arab scholars, the
global wave of democracy has -- and I quote -- "barely reached the Arab
states." They continue: "This freedom deficit undermines human development
and is one of the most painful manifestations of lagging political development."
The freedom deficit they describe has terrible consequences, of the people
of the Middle East and for the world. In many Middle Eastern countries,
poverty is deep and it is spreading, women lack rights and are denied schooling.
Whole societies remain stagnant while the world moves ahead. These are
not the failures of a culture or a religion. These are the failures of
political and economic doctrines.
As the colonial era passed away,
the Middle East saw the establishment of many military dictatorships. Some
rulers adopted the dogmas of socialism, seized total control of political
parties and the media and universities. They allied themselves with the
Soviet bloc and with international terrorism. Dictators in Iraq and Syria
promised the restoration of national honor, a return to ancient glories.
They've left instead a legacy of torture, oppression, misery, and ruin.
Other men, and groups of men, have
gained influence in the Middle East and beyond through an ideology of theocratic
terror. Behind their language of religion is the ambition for absolute
political power. Ruling cabals like the Taliban show their version of religious
piety in public whippings of women, ruthless suppression of any difference
or dissent, and support for terrorists who arm and train to murder the
innocent. The Taliban promised religious purity and national pride. Instead,
by systematically destroying a proud and working society, they left behind
suffering and starvation.
Many Middle Eastern governments
now understand that military dictatorship and theocratic rule are a straight,
smooth highway to nowhere. But some governments still cling to the old
habits of central control. There are governments that still fear and repress
independent thought and creativity, and private enterprise -- the human
qualities that make for a -- strong and successful societies. Even when
these nations have vast natural resources, they do not respect or develop
their greatest resources -- the talent and energy of men and women working
and living in freedom.
Instead of dwelling on past wrongs
and blaming others, governments in the Middle East need to confront real
problems, and serve the true interests of their nations. The good and capable
people of the Middle East all deserve responsible leadership. For too long,
many people in that region have been victims and subjects -- they deserve
to be active citizens.
Governments across the Middle East
and North Africa are beginning to see the need for change. Morocco has
a diverse new parliament; King Mohammed has urged it to extend the rights
to women. Here is how His Majesty explained his reforms to parliament:
"How can society achieve progress while women, who represent half the nation,
see their rights violated and suffer as a result of injustice, violence,
and marginalization, notwithstanding the dignity and justice granted to
them by our glorious religion?" The King of Morocco is correct: The future
of Muslim nations will be better for all with the full participation of
women. (Applause.)
In Bahrain last year, citizens elected
their own parliament for the first time in nearly three decades. Oman has
extended the vote to all adult citizens; Qatar has a new constitution;
Yemen has a multiparty political system; Kuwait has a directly elected
national assembly; and Jordan held historic elections this summer. Recent
surveys in Arab nations reveal broad support for political pluralism, the
rule of law, and free speech. These are the stirrings of Middle Eastern
democracy, and they carry the promise of greater change to come.
As changes come to the Middle Eastern
region, those with power should ask themselves: Will they be remembered
for resisting reform, or for leading it? In Iran, the demand for democracy
is strong and broad, as we saw last month when thousands gathered to welcome
home Shirin Ebadi, the winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. The regime in Teheran
must heed the democratic demands of the Iranian people, or lose its last
claim to legitimacy. (Applause.)
For the Palestinian people, the
only path to independence and dignity and progress is the path of democracy.
(Applause.) And the Palestinian leaders who block and undermine democratic
reform, and feed hatred and encourage violence are not leaders at all.
They're the main obstacles to peace, and to the success of the Palestinian
people.
The Saudi government is taking first
steps toward reform, including a plan for gradual introduction of elections.
By giving the Saudi people a greater role in their own society, the Saudi
government can demonstrate true leadership in the region.
The great and proud nation of Egypt
has shown the way toward peace in the Middle East, and now should show
the way toward democracy in the Middle East. (Applause.) Champions of democracy
in the region understand that democracy is not perfect, it is not the path
to utopia, but it's the only path to national success and dignity.
As we watch and encourage reforms
in the region, we are mindful that modernization is not the same as Westernization.
Representative governments in the Middle East will reflect their own cultures.
They will not, and should not, look like us. Democratic nations may be
constitutional monarchies, federal republics, or parliamentary systems.
And working democracies always need time to develop -- as did our own.
We've taken a 200-year journey toward inclusion and justice -- and this
makes us patient and understanding as other nations are at different stages
of this journey.
There are, however, essential principles
common to every successful society, in every culture. Successful societies
limit the power of the state and the power of the military -- so that governments
respond to the will of the people, and not the will of an elite. Successful
societies protect freedom with the consistent and impartial rule of law,
instead of selecting applying -- selectively applying the law to punish
political opponents. Successful societies allow room for healthy civic
institutions -- for political parties and labor unions and independent
newspapers and broadcast media. Successful societies guarantee religious
liberty - - the right to serve and honor God without fear of persecution.
Successful societies privatize their economies, and secure the rights of
property. They prohibit and punish official corruption, and invest in the
health and education of their people. They recognize the rights of women.
And instead of directing hatred and resentment against others, successful
societies appeal to the hopes of their own people. (Applause.)
These vital principles are being
applies in the nations of Afghanistan and Iraq. With the steady leadership
of President Karzai, the people of Afghanistan are building a modern and
peaceful government. Next month, 500 delegates will convene a national
assembly in Kabul to approve a new Afghan constitution. The proposed draft
would establish a bicameral parliament, set national elections next year,
and recognize Afghanistan's Muslim identity, while protecting the rights
of all citizens. Afghanistan faces continuing economic and security challenges
-- it will face those challenges as a free and stable democracy. (Applause.)
In Iraq, the Coalition Provisional
Authority and the Iraqi Governing Council are also working together to
build a democracy -- and after three decades of tyranny, this work is not
easy. The former dictator ruled by terror and treachery, and left deeply
ingrained habits of fear and distrust. Remnants of his regime, joined by
foreign terrorists, continue their battle against order and against civilization.
Our coalition is responding to recent attacks with precision raids, guided
by intelligence provided by the Iraqis, themselves. And we're working closely
with Iraqi citizens as they prepare a constitution, as they move toward
free elections and take increasing responsibility for their own affairs.
As in the defense of Greece in 1947, and later in the Berlin Airlift, the
strength and will of free peoples are now being tested before a watching
world. And we will meet this test. (Applause.)
Securing democracy in Iraq is the
work of many hands. American and coalition forces are sacrificing for the
peace of Iraq and for the security of free nations. Aid workers from many
countries are facing danger to help the Iraqi people. The National Endowment
for Democracy is promoting women's rights, and training Iraqi journalists,
and teaching the skills of political participation. Iraqis, themselves
-- police and borders guards and local officials -- are joining in the
work and they are sharing in the sacrifice.
This is a massive and difficult
undertaking -- it is worth our effort, it is worth our sacrifice, because
we know the stakes. The failure of Iraqi democracy would embolden terrorists
around the world, increase dangers to the American people, and extinguish
the hopes of millions in the region. Iraqi democracy will succeed -- and
that success will send forth the news, from Damascus to Teheran -- that
freedom can be the future of every nation. (Applause.) The establishment
of a free Iraq at the heart of the Middle East will be a watershed event
in the global democratic revolution. (Applause.)
Sixty years of Western nations excusing
and accommodating the lack of freedom in the Middle East did nothing to
make us safe -- because in the long run, stability cannot be purchased
at the expense of liberty. As long as the Middle East remains a place where
freedom does not flourish, it will remain a place of stagnation, resentment,
and violence ready for export. And with the spread of weapons that can
bring catastrophic harm to our country and to our friends, it would be
reckless to accept the status quo. (Applause.)
Therefore, the United States has
adopted a new policy, a forward strategy of freedom in the Middle East.
This strategy requires the same persistence and energy and idealism we
have shown before. And it will yield the same results. As in Europe, as
in Asia, as in every region of the world, the advance of freedom leads
to peace. (Applause.)
The advance of freedom is the calling
of our time; it is the calling of our country. From the Fourteen Points
to the Four Freedoms, to the Speech at Westminster, America has put our
power at the service of principle. We believe that liberty is the design
of nature; we believe that liberty is the direction of history. We believe
that human fulfillment and excellence come in the responsible exercise
of liberty. And we believe that freedom -- the freedom we prize -- is not
for us alone, it is the right and the capacity of all mankind. (Applause.)
Working for the spread of freedom
can be hard. Yet, America has accomplished hard tasks before. Our nation
is strong; we're strong of heart. And we're not alone. Freedom is finding
allies in every country; freedom finds allies in every culture. And as
we meet the terror and violence of the world, we can be certain the author
of freedom is not indifferent to the fate of freedom.
With all the tests and all the challenges
of our age, this is, above all, the age of liberty. Each of you at this
Endowment is fully engaged in the great cause of liberty. And I thank you.
May God bless your work. And may God continue to bless America. (Applause.)
END 11:37 A.M. EST
* Central Europe
