Author: G. Parthasarathy
Publication: The Indian Express
Date: March 15, 2004
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/full_story.php?content_id=42934
Introduction: In contrast to Bhutan's
exemplary crackdown on militants operating from its soil, Khaleda Zia's
BNP has a long track record of fomenting insurgency in the Northeast
Economic indicators like Gross National
Product (GNP), or Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are generally used to measure
economic progress. But, in Bhutan, under the enlightened leadership of
King Jigme Singye Wangchuk, progress is determined not by levels of GNP
or GDP, but by an index of what is called as 'Gross National Happiness'(GNH).
The level of GNH is determined by the extent of modernisation and development
that Bhutan achieves, while simultaneously retaining its cherished traditions
and values.
It is this commitment to his country's
GNH that has enabled Bhutan to proceed with a process of decentralisation
and democratisation. The monarchy in Nepal has traditionally resisted pressures
for democratic change and adopted a policy of fanning anti-India sentiments
to retain power. Bhutan's monarch, in contrast, has shrewdly adopted a
policy of deriving maximum benefit from India, by being sensitive to its
security concerns, and using its growing demand for electrical power and
a vast range of goods and services, for the prosperity of his people. Yet
he has also conducted himself with such dignity that no Indian government
can take Bhutan for granted.
It is largely as a result of this
sagacity that the kingdom today has a life expectancy of over 66 years
and the highest per capita income ($755) in the subcontinent. While India
has contributed substantially to Bhutan's development, it is that nation's
decision to exploit its vast hydroelectric potential and natural resources
that has rapidly enhanced its prosperity. The 336 MW Chukha hydroelectric
project, completed in 1988, enables Bhutan to earn around Rs 140 crore
annually by selling electricity to India. When the 1020 MW Tala hydroelectric
project becomes operational next year, Bhutan's per capita income could
well double. Besides this, negotiations are now under way for the development
of the 1000 MW Punatsangchhu hydroelectric project that will raise prosperity
in Bhutan to levels that will be the envy of the rest of South Asia.
While Bhutan has been correct in
its relations with China, India owes the kingdom a debt of gratitude for
the effective manner in which it has dealt with insurgent groups armed
and trained in Bangladesh. For around 12 years 3,000 armed cadres of the
United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), the National Democratic Front
of Bodoland (NDFB) and the Kamtapur Liberation Organization (KLO) intruded
into Southern Bhutan and launched terrorist attacks on Indian territory.
The ULFA had 13 camps, the NDFB 12 camps and the KLO 5 camps in Bhutan.
Bhutan rejected suggestions by New Delhi to let Indian armed forces enter
the kingdom and flush out the terrorists. It, however, strengthened its
own armed forces and sought to persuade the intruders to leave Bhutan.
When every effort to get them to leave through negotiations failed, the
newly established Royal Bhutan Army moved decisively to throw them out.
In a brilliant military operation, 30 insurgent camps were destroyed, 181
insurgents killed, 416 apprehended and 463 surrendered. The remaining insurgents
fled into India, where relentless pressure has continued. Even as the Bhutanese
army was conducting its operations, Myanmar's foreign minister, U Win Aung,
made it clear that his country would not allow anti-Indian forces to seek
shelter on its territory.
In contrast to this, Begum Khaleda
Zia's Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has a long track record of joining
hands with the ISI and fomenting insurgency and religious fundamentalism
in India's northeastern states. New Delhi has provided Dhaka with details
of over 90 camps on Bangladesh territory where anti-Indian groups are being
trained. Shortly after the BNP government assumed its present term in office,
the Bangladesh Directorate General of Forces Intelligence took on the role
of not merely supporting insurgent groups like ULFA, but also working hand
in glove with the Jamaat-e-Islami Party - a member of the ruling coalition
- to promote Islamic militancy in Assam and other border states. They even
entertain fanciful ambitions to set up an Islamic State in these areas.
The strength of the ISI in the Pakistan High Commission has been beefed
up and the ISI is now given a free hand to operate in Bangladesh. General
Musharraf will perhaps claim that there is nothing wrong in such ISI activity
on Bangladesh territory, as he had merely promised India that he would
not allow Pakistan's territory to be used for terrorist activities!
The ouster of the Taliban in Afghanistan
has led to a number of groups associated with Osama bin Laden's International
Islamic Front seeking refuge in Bangladesh. The fundamentalist Harkat ul
Jihad ul Islami that has been a part of the ISI-sponsored Jihad in Jammu
and Kashmir now has a strong support base in Bangladesh. Groups funded
by Osama bin Laden operate in Bangladesh under the umbrella of a Dhaka-based
group, 'Servants of Suffering Humanity International'. Supporters of the
fundamentalist Jemaah Islamiyah outfit involved in terrorist violence in
Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore have now found haven in Bangladesh. Intelligence
agencies here have also provided support to the Rohingya Muslims to set
up a separate Islamic state in the Rakhine Province of Myanmar. These cadres
have been reinforced by those who have returned from Afghanistan and Pakistan
after the Taliban ouster.
Over 2,100 Indian security personnel
and 4,500 militants have lost their lives since 1992 in ongoing insurgencies
in our northeastern states. India has thus far shown remarkable patience
in dealing with Bangladesh. But once a new government assumes office after
the forthcoming elections, some hard decisions will have to be taken on
how to deal with Bangladesh. We should now consider actively exposing Bangladesh
involvement with terrorist outfits, both to its aid donors and its ASEAN
neighbours. Bangladesh also perhaps feels that we are so keen to obtain
supplies of natural gas from it that we will overlook its involvement with
fundamentalist, terrorist and separatist outfits operating on our soil.
In fact, given the vast potential of gas resources on our east coast and
off the coast of Myanmar, we should review our policy of seeking natural
gas from Bangladesh. Finally, covert and other capabilities will have to
be developed to respond to problems our eastern neighbour seems determined
to create.
