Author:
Publication: The Pioneer
Date: April 29, 2005
Speaking to Karan Thapar in HARDtalk
India about the position reached at the end of 41 rounds of dialogue with
the Indian Government, which started in 1997 when the NSCN (I-M), the biggest
and best known outfit fighting for Naga independence, declared a ceasefire,
he said:
"We can come as close as possible
but it's not possible for the Nagas to come within the Indian Union or
within the framework of the Indian Constitution. Why? Because it amounts
to dismissing the whole history of the Nagas and the Nagas cannot do that
... Nagaland was never a part of India either by conquest by India or by
consent of the Nagas."
Speaking about sovereignty, which
he said belongs "to the Naga people and to the Naga people alone", Mr Muivah
went on to speak about "a special federal relationship" with India but
not within India:
"Sovereignty of the Naga people
belongs to the Naga people and to the Naga people alone. There cannot be
otherwise. So long as that is there adjustments can be made... When we
say a special federal relationship it has to be on the terms of the agreement
that can be arrived at ... It should be a federation of India and Nagalim
(Greater Nagaland). Within the Indian Constitution is not possible."
Asked if Delhi would have control
over defence, external affairs, communication and currency he replied:
"In some aspect you are right... Yes, you are right but we haven't (as
yet) settled those kind of questions... It's in the process of being worked
out. It may be a little bit too early on my part to make pronouncements
on that."
The General Secretary of the National
Socialist Council of Nagaland (I-M) confirmed that all other powers would
rest with the government in Kohima and his proposed state would have its
own constitution to determine how these powers are exercised. He also confirmed
that these powers would exceed those presently granted by New Delhi to
other Indian states because Nagaland would wish to have its own state control
over subjects such as wildlife, forests, environment, education and culture.
At the moment these subjects are on the concurrent list of the Indian Constitution.
Mr. Muivah also confirmed that his proposed state wished to have its own
flag, stamps and the right to set up tourist and trade offices abroad.
When asked if the Indian leadership
agreed to make all of this possible within the ambit of the Indian Constitution
whether he would be prepared to accept the Constitution, Mr. Muivah answered
with an emphatic no and explained that he could not trust future generations
of politicians not to amend the Constitution.
However, Mr. Muivah told the BBC
that whatever agreement was reached with the Indian Government would need
constitutional backing: "The agreement which is going to be arrived at
should be incorporated in the Indian constitution (and) equally it should
be incorporated in the Naga constitution."
Mr Muivah maintained that his position
on the Indian constitution was not contradicted by the fact that he is
presently travelling on an Indian passport: "In filling up the forms I
specifically mentioned that loyalty or allegiance to the Indian Constitution
is not applicable. It's not acceptable."
In the interview Mr Muivah also
confirmed that with regard to his second demand for the integration of
all Naga areas outside the present boundaries of Nagaland with Nagaland
what he was today asking for is "recognition of the legitimacy of the people's
aspirations for Naga integration and a reasonable time frame for its implementation."
Under specific questioning Mr Muivah twice confirmed that what he was asking
for was an in-principle agreement recognising Naga aspirations for integration
and thereafter was willing to grant the Indian Government reasonable time
to implement it.
Asked if given the emotional nature
and intractable quality of the whole land integration issue Mr. Muivah
would accept referral to a states reorganisation commission or a states
boundary commission, he was at first skeptical:
"That is up to the Indians if they
can do that. The problem is that Nagas are skeptical. Why? Because whenever
any issue arose in the past Government of India took sides with the others
not with the Nagas. Always that happened."
However, in further questioning
Mr. Muivah seemed to indicate that if such a referral would produce the
desired result and if all Naga areas were considered he would be prepared
to accept it. In the interview, Mr Muivah said that the slogan 'Nagaland
for Christ' did not mean that he intended to set up a theocratic state
:"Because more than 95 per cent of the population is Christian naturally
they have to profess that way .... It (Nagalim or Greater Nagaland) has
to be secular. If it is not secular then we will be betraying ourselves."
Asked if he had a deadline in mind
or if the talks with the Indian government could go on indefinitely Mr.
Muivah replied: "It's too early to talk about it (a deadline)." Asked if
this meant that he was prepared to give the Indian Government more time,
he replied: "Yes, but we should not be too presumptuous. Things can go
wrong any time." However, Mr. Muivah did say that progress is being made
: "Slowly, slowly but not on big issues."
[Note from Hindu Vivek Kendra: The
concept of Nagalim has a history of more than 50 years, when the Christian
population was less than 50% in Nagaland]
