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India's approach to Pak terror speaks of a slavish mentality

India's approach to Pak terror speaks of a slavish mentality

Author: Swapan Das Gupta
Publication: The Free Press Journal
Date: September 25, 2006
URL: http://www.samachar.com/features/250906-features.html

The Prime Minister and his delegation met a large number of disreputable politicians in Havana during the meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement.

Many of these leaders don't know the difference between diplomacy and speaking at a mahapanchayat. One leader the gentle Manmohan Singh had to rub shoulders with, not least because he is the current favourite of the CPI(M), was Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez.

At the UN General Assembly in New York last Wednesday, Chavez referred to President Bush as the "devil" and said: "Yesterday the devil came here and this place still smells." It is to be hoped that this needless association with some of the world's most notorious tyrants hasn't forced Prime Minister to change his demeanour. Manmohan Singh is not naturally a rude person and we hope that he will abide by the norms of decency and civilised conduct. The same cannot, however, be said of the Prime Minister's Office.

The Prime Minister's agreement with the boastful General Pervez Musharraf in Havana has attracted strong criticism. Apart from the BJP which has reacted strongly-a natural position for the country's main opposition party-the proposal for a joint Indo-Pakistan mechanism to monitor terror has been sharply attacked by all those associated with India's security and intelligence establishments.

Former high commissioners to Pakistan, a former Foreign Secretary, former chiefs and functionaries of the IB and Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW) have described the agreement with Pakistan as needless and unwise. The right of these individuals to speak up for what they believe is the national interest is undeniable. This is part and parcel of our democratic traditions without which India will be that much poorer intellectually.

What is surprising is the intemperate and uncouth response to criticism. In an email sent from his official address, the Prime Minister's media adviser described attacks on the Prime Minister's handling of diplomacy as "utter nonsense".

He accused his critics of being "close to Brajesh Mishra (former National Security Adviser and Principal Secretary) and Narendra Modi." With dripping sarcasm, he wished G. Parthasarathy, a distinguished former High Commissioner to Pakistan who had also served with the Indian army and fought in the Sialkot sector during the 1965 war, "good luck in your new political career".

To what extent the loss of composure is the outcome of the recent bad company in Havana is a matter of speculation. What is however quite apparent is the fact that the Prime Minister's Office is showing all signs of political nervousness over an agreement with Pakistan that is bereft of common sense and logic and which, it is increasingly clear, lacks popular acceptability at home.

The tell-tale signs of national dissatisfaction are there for all to see. Unlike the announcement of Atal Behari Vajpayee's bus trip to Lahore and even the Islamabad declaration of January 2004 which were greeted with a large measure of popular endorsement, Manmohan Singh has received few cerificates for his curious discovery of Pakistan being as much a victim of terrorism as India.

Not even the professional advocates of India- Pakistan sadbhavna have rushed to congratulate the Prime Minister for his Havana initiative. It is not merely civil society which is sceptical. Apart from the Left parties who are these days courting the Muslim vote with frenzy, there has been a curious silence in the UPA.

The Opposition BJP, as was to be expected, fired salvos on three consecutive days, accusing the Prime Minister of "capitulation" to US pressure, compromising India's national security and in general being silly. In the normal course these grave charges should have prompted replies both at the political and official level. But the Congress has maintained an uncharacteristic silence and neither the Foreign Secretary nor the Foreign Secretary-designate has rushed to publicly defend the agreement.

The National Security Adviser who has been quite loquacious about threats from the Al Qaeda and other terrorists located in Pakistan has kept mum. Indeed, apart from the Prime Minister's revelation on board the Air India flight back to India that the meeting with Musharraf was not tense, the Government has said nothing. All we have is the Media Adviser's outburst- compared by one distinguished R&AW functionary as Hitlerian in tone.

What about Musharraf? I think the General just can't believe his luck. When he departed from Pakistan for his grand visit to Brussels, Havana and New York, he expected to face Indian anger over the bomb blasts in Mumbai and Malegaon and Western anger over his deal with the Taliban forces operating from the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. The West kept to its part of the script and President Bush even threatened, if necessary, to send in American forces into Pakistan to capture wanted terrorists like Osama bin Laden.

What did India do? It meekly acquiesced in the establishment of a joint complaints centre to fight terrorism-a mechanism which even the Prime Minister knows has no chance of yielding results. Even Musharraf was so utterly contemptuous of India's lack of a backbone that he grandiosely proclaimed that he had been ready to have a joint Indo-Pakistan investigation into the Mumbai blasts.

Since Pakistan has blamed India for fomenting trouble in Baluchistan, why didn't India respond with an equally preposterous demand for a joint Indo-Pakistan investigation in that troubled province? Instead, India has been content to allow Musharraf to mock us relentlessly and allow his High Commissioner in New Delhi to do the same.

Indeed, the High Commissioner Aziz Ahmed Khan had absolutely no inhibitions about puncturing any hopes Manmohan Singh may have had about using the Havana agreement to facilitate the extradition of Dawood Ibrahim and Tiger Memon, not to mention sundry Kashmiri terrorists based in Pakistan.

At Havana, India only succeeded in giving legitimacy to Musharraf's outrageous suggestion that "freelance terrorists" are behind all the bombings in India. Pakistan has for long conducted its low-intensity war on India on the principle of high deniability. In other words, Pakistan has been careful to not leave its official fingerprints on the attacks in India.

At the same time, India's investigators have time and again made it clear that almost all the terrorist outrages have been planned and financed from Pakistan. The executors too have often been Pakistani nationals although, of late, more and more locals are being used to undertake the actual operations.

It is possible, even conceivable, that the notorious ISI, and not the Pakistan Government, are behind the attacks. This may be an important distinction to make in terms of our understanding of the system in Pakistan. It has, for example, been shown that many of Pakistan's elected rulers were kept in the dark about the activities of both the ISI and the army. It has also been established that there are many in the ISI and the army who pursue private agendas.

These are matters of concern but they are issues that the Pakistan Government has to address. There has to be unceasing pressure on Islamabad to control activities inside its own territory. That is what the January 2004 agreement between Vajpayee and Musharraf was all about. Indeed, the entire peace process was made conditional on Pakistan conducting itself as a responsible neighbour. In July 2004, the UPA Government delinked terrorism from the peace process.

At Havana, the Pakistan Government was issued a good character certificate by a Prime Minister who presumed this is what the Americans wanted. The whole approach betrays a slavish mentality. For long, India has complained that the West pursues double standards when it comes to India: it confronts its own terrorism with vigour but advises India to constantly exercise restraint. Yet there is an important difference between restraint and submission.

After Havana, India has no leg to stand on in the war against Pakistani- inspired terror. Manmohan Singh has pronounced Musharraf not guilty. If India thinks that its own citizens are expendable cannon fodder, why should the rest of the world want to believe otherwise?


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