Author: Rakesh Sinha
Publication: The Indian Express
Date: June 19, 2009
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/news/the-courage-of-conviction/478627/0
The crisis in the Bharatiya Janata Party should
not be seen as an outcome of the party's defeat in the Lok Sabha elections
or merely a rumpus hinting at the change of leadership. Even if BJP had emerged
victorious, the crisis was inevitable.
The party can ill-afford to be insensitive
to its core constituency. Ironically, those who constituted, either formally
or otherwise, its core group and managed the election campaign are now appearing
in the role of interpreter of maladies. Of course, there is also an element
of personality and factional clash masquerading as ideological debate. And
so, some radical suggestions have been advanced, which range from redefining
the relationship with the RSS to abandoning Hindutva and acquiring the space
of an Indian centre-right.
It would be an exaggeration, if not downright
presumptuous, to say that Kandhamal, the anti-pub campaign and Varun Gandhi's
speech alienated the middle class from the BJP. These were discussed inside
the party as well as in the media, and RSS has taken its categorical stand.
Moreover, they remained localised and isolated issues. The real problem with
the party is growing individualism, which turns the party into a federation
of competing clubs of loyalists. It is disastrous for a party, whose role
is not confined to electoral performance but also promoting alternative ideological
debate. The Bharatiya Jana Sangh had faced a similar crisis in the 50's. Pt.
Mauli Chandra Sharma became the party president after the death of Dr. Syama
Prasad Mookerjee. He interpreted organisation and ideology according to his
political convenience, and also nursed ambitions of disengaging the party
from the RSS. There were many prominent men with Sangh backgrounds in his
coterie. At this juncture, Deendayal Upadhyay intervened, leading to the expulsion
of Sharma and his men.
Those who believe that RSS or Hindutva is
a stumbling block to the growth of BJP have misconceived the RSS worldview.
The question is can BJP manage without them?
The membership of the RSS is virtually a daily
trial. RSS itself is an idea, more than merely an organisation. It signifies
an alternative socio-economic philosophy. Egalitarianism is the core guiding
value for RSS and its affiliates whether Vanvasi Kalyan Kendra or Bharatiya
Mazdoor Sangh. The opposition of appeasement does not mean anti -minority
politics. Although it rejects categories like right and left, its ideological
moorings are closer to left of centre Gandhian socialism. All efforts to create
a common front with Swatantrata Party and the BJS failed in the past due to
the RSS aversion to laissez faire ideology. The Jana Sangh faced splits and
desertions more than once when it took a radical approach on socio-economic
reforms, like abolition of zamindari, jagirdari and support to the rights
of central government employees. Veteran leader Balraj Madhok's plea to grab
the space of Indian right did not cut much ice in the party and Parivar. Nothing
has changed the perception of the parivar. Therefore, the BJP cannot be allowed
to take the space of the Indian right, as people like Brajesh Mishra and Swapan
Dasgupta suggest.
Moreover, the party has been a victim of indolence
on the ideological front after the Ramjanmabhoomi movement and Rath Yatra
. Had the party done so it would have changed the course of politics more
effectively. But it could not even counter the Nehruvian-Marxist propaganda
against the Rath Yatra, which alleged it was a precursor to communal riots.
The party missed one of its finest moments, and individualism increasingly
took centre stage. Of course the party attracted a large number of intellectuals
but their role remained undefined and underutilised. RSS affiliates work among
workers, peasants, tribal and slums. BJP is a natural beneficiary of their
selfless work. However, it failed to give expression to their socio-economic
perspective of Sangh cadres. Does Hindutva prevent BJP to struggle for farmers
committing suicide or presenting an alternative of the western model of globalisation?
No Hindutva stigma could deter Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh from becoming the largest
central trade union in India. Nor Hindutva derail the Vanvasi Kalyan Kendra
from carving its niche among our tribes. So why should Hindutva be a hurdle
for BJP's return to power?
The party also became coalition-oriented and
wilfully ignored basics to remain acceptable for allies. Thus its strength
became its weakness. Orissa is a typical case where state units suffered humiliation
as the high command sometimes overrode them to appease BJD. The same thing
is being repeated in Bihar. The party changed itself to suit allies, like
rectifying the size of foot instead of changing the shoe. BJP should resurrect
ideological debate not only on secularism but also economic reform and its
impact.
The importance of the BJP is not only due
to its emergence as the second largest group in the Lok Sabha but due to its
ideological distinction. BJP leaders should do soul searching not only on
ideology but also on the image-deficit of its leadership. It should not be
a hostage of journalistic thinking, of those whose understanding of the RSS
is skin deep. RSS could not be used even by the Hindu Mahasabha in 30' and
40's when its leaders Hedgewar and Golwalkar were little-known personalities
in comparison to tall Hindu ideologues like VD Savakar, Dr B S Moonje or Bhai
Parmananda. Even in 1978-79, the Janata Party faced the dual membership crisis
and the demand for dissolution of RSS was raised. RSS remained uncompromising.
BJP cannot make any concession on its social philosophy. Its present suffering
is a forerunner of a long due ideological and organisational consolidation.
- The writer is associate professor, Delhi
University and biographer of RSS founder Dr K.B Hedgewar
