7. Untenability of the
alternative hypothesis
7.1 No second Janmasthan
A thesis advanced by
the anti-Mandir people is that the new Janmasthan temple (also known as
Sita ki Rasoi) on the mound adjacent to and north of the Babri structure
is itself the original Janmasthan shrine. On many grounds, this proposition
is untenable :
1) This is a relatively
new temple and there is no archaeological evidence to suggest that it is
more than 250 years old.
2) Available historical
evidence shows that this shrine was originally started by a sadhu named
Ram Dasji in about 1704 AD, on a piece of land donated by Mir Masoom Ali
Mafidar. Subsequently, the present impressive structure was built
by a Hindu minister of Safdarjang (the Shia Nawab of Awadh), Naval Rai,
who rebuilt many temples during this period of relative benevolence, mostly
on sites of original sites destroyed by Muslims. Where the original
site was occupied, as in this case, a neighbouring site was used for the
construction.
3) Tieffenthaler described
the new Babri Masjid in detail as being the site of the original Ram Janmabhoomi,
while he also mentions the new Janmasthan temple (Site ki Rasoi) as a very
famous one in the city.
4) The thesis that the
original Ram Janmabhoomi shrine continued without any interference leaves
unexplained the origin of the persistent controversy about Ram Janmabhoomi
on the Babri Masjid site.
7.2 Hindus never ceased claiming the
site
It is well-attested
that Hindus persistently tried to retrieve their holy land, which led to
conflicts between Hindus and Muslims. The Hindus regained control
of the courtyard by the 18th century and kept up their pressure on the
site under the domed structure. There is no reasonable explanation
for this persistent attachment to the site, except that it was in continuation
of an older, pre-Masjid tradition.
A document enclosed
with a letter dated 12th August, 1855 from Wazid Ali Shah, the king of
Oudh, to the British Resident Major James Outram, carrying the seal of
the Qazi of Faizabad in the year 1735 A.D., mentioned that a serious riot
had taken place over the Masjid "built by the emperor of Delhi" (apparently
a conflict of the kind that took place in 1855) between Hindus and Muslims,
during the times of Burhan-ul-Mulk Saadat Ali Khan, the first Nawab of
Oudh (1707-1736) over the possession of this mosque. (NAI, Foreign,
Political Proceedings, 28th December, 1855, No.355 (Enclosure No.5)).
Maratha documents show
that one of the main objectives of Maratha operations and policy in North
India was the liberation of the sacred cities of Ayodhya, Varanasi and
Prayag. In the year 1751 Maratha armies led by Malhar Rao Holkar,
at the invitation of Safdarjang, the second Nawab of Oudh, defeated the
Pathan forces in Doab. Immediately after his victory Malhar Rao Holkar
requested Safdarjang to handover Ayodhya, Kashi and Prayag to the Peshwa.
(A.L. Srivastava: The First Two Nawabs of Oudh)
Again, when in 1756
the third Nawab Shujauddaula invited Maratha help against impending Afghan
invasion, the Maratha agent of the Court of Oudh demanded the transfer
of these three holy places including Ayodhya and the negotiations lingered
on for more than a year on this one point. Ultimately in July 1757,
Shujauddaula agreed to transfer the holy cities of Ayodhya and Kashi to
the Maratha leader Raghoba. But the transfer could not be implemented
as Maratha armies got entangled in the conquest of the Punjab which ultimately
led to the tragedy of Panipat (1761 A.D.)
But Peshwa Balaji Bajirao's
eagerness to acquire Ayodhya is reflected in one of his letters dated 23rd
February, 1759 to Dattaji Scindia, his General in the North wherein the
Peshwa reminds Scindia that "Mansur Ali's son (i.e., Shujauddaula) had
promised to Dada (i.e. Raghoba) to cede Benares and Ayodhya" and instructs
him to take hold of those places alongwith Prayag. (Cf. Sarkar J.N.:
Fall of the Moghul Empire, Vol.II, Calcutta, 1934 ff 231-233).
Historians Dr. A.L.
Srivastava, Sir J.N. Sarkar, G.S. Sardesai and Dr. Hari Ram Gupta who have
studied this period of history very deeply have concluded that "Had the
Bhau (Sadashiv) emerged successful from Panipat, within a few years Kashi,
Prayag and Ayodhya would have been emancipated". (Hari Ram Gupta:
Marathas & Panipat, Chandigarh 1961, p.292).
In 1767 Tieffenthaler
found that in spite of the Mughal kings' efforts to prevent them, the Hindus
had re-occupied the courtyard, raised the Ram Chabootra thereon, and were
worshipping there as well as under the domed structure.
In 1854 Thornton recorded
in his Gazetteer exactly the same situation as Tieffenthaler had found.
In 1855 there was a
big clash in which nearly 300 Muslims under Shah Ghulam Hussain took possession
of the Babri mosque and tried to fix doors on it. On protests from
Hindus, clashes started. Muslims attacked Hanumangarhi, but were
driven back with considerable loss. Then the Hindus counter-attacked,
stormed the Janmasthan and killed 70 Muslims who were buried nearby.
Shah Ghulam Hussain jumped over the wall and fled.
In 1856, the Muazzin
of the Babri mosque, in a petition before the British authorities admitted
that the courtyard had been in possession of the Hindus for hundreds of
years and now they were interfering with the domed structure as well.
In 1934, serious Hindu-Muslim
clashes occurred in and around the Babri mosque, occasioned by a cow slaughter.
Many people were killed and the structure was seriously damaged.
In November and December
1949, the Hindus held large sessions of Ramayana-recitation around the
site, in order to purify it. On December 22/23, idols were installed
(some say they miraculously appeared) and the place was re-consecrated
for Ram worship.
7.3 Attempts to suppress Muslim testimony
While all Muslim writers
before 1949 proudly proclaimed the destruction of the Ram Janmabhoomi for
construction of the mosque, hailing it as virtuous act of proclaiming the
victory of Islam over Hinduism, there are definite indications that in
recent years (especially since the Hindus strengthened their claim over
the site) attempts have been made to suppress evidence and manipulate records.
The following cases will show this.
1) Gumgashte Halat-i
Ajodhya Awadh by Maulvi Abdul Karim (referred to in 3:8), was translated
from Persian to Urdu by his grandson Maulvi Abdul Gaffar. The first
edition of this translation, published in Lucknow in 1979, retained the
description of demolition of the temple at Janmasthan. But this portion
was removed from the second edition published in 1981 (p.53-54).
2) In 1989, a leading
intellectual of this country looked for the book "Hindustan Islami Ahad
Mein" ("Hindustan under Islamic Rule"), by Maulana Hakim Saiyid Abdul
Hai (referred to in 3:11), which included a chapter on Hindustan ki
Masjidein, containing a description of the demolition of several temples
in the country including the Ram Janmabhoomi, and their replacement by
mosques. He found that many people who certainly should have known
thebook, were not willing to recall it. The book was also missing
in the libraries of famed Muslim institutes, including the AMU. If
one perforce wants to consider all this mere concoction and insinuation,
this much is verifiable fact : the English version (1977) has the tell-tale
passages in the descriptions of seven mosques built on temples, including
the Babri Masjid, censored out or substituted.
3) The manuscript of
the Muruqqa-i Khusrawi by Sheikh Mohammed Azamat Ali Nami, was only
available in the Tagor library, Lucknow, for over 100 years. In 1986,
when the F.A. Ahmad Memorial Committee published it, they omitted the chapter
relating to the destruction of the Ram Janmabhoomi and the Hindu-Muslim
clashes in 1855. Later dr. Zaki Kakorawi had to get this published
independently without getting any financial aid from the committee.
4) The Settlement Record
of 1861 (First Khasra Kishtwar Settlement Report) contained only the name
of Janmasthan on all the 10 plots of Khasra no. 163. But in the copy
of the report kept in the Faizabad Mahafazkhana, someone has made interpolations
to insert the names of Jama Masjid and Muafi against one
of the plots. The interpolation becomes evident if one looks at the
record available at Tehsil Office, the record of second Revenue Settlement
91893 AD) and the Revised Khasra records of Nazul department of 1931 AD.
The fact that some people
thought it necessary to conceal, manipulate or even obliterate pieces of
testimony to the history and the actual use of the disputed structure and
its courtyard, corroborates our view that these pieces do have proof value
in favour of the Mandir hypothesis.
7.4 Total lack of counter-evidence
The thesis recently
advanced by some persons that the Babri Masjid did not replace any extant
Ram temple goes against common sense in many ways. The well-attested
fact that the Hindus offered Ram Puja in the mosque courtyard even under
Muslim rule, the rows of 11th century pillar-bases aligned with the wall
of the present structure, the touch-stone pillars incorporated in it, the
Hindu sculptures they carry, all these indications converge on the thesis
of a pre-existent Ram temple replaced by the Babri mosque. This thesis
is also in perfect conformity with historically attested behaviour patterns
of Hindu devotees and Muslim conquerors. Indeed, the Ram Mandir hypothesis
postulates a little more than that the general patterns applied in Ayodhya
too.
By contrast, the anti-Mandir
thesis rests on a number of untenable assumptions :
1) The Babri Masjid
was built on empty land. But the site is the highest point in central
Ayodhya, the place of honour : in no city in the world would it ever have
been left empty, much less in a temple city of long standing.
2) Mir Baqi went elsewhere
to collect the touch-stone pillars, but at that other place where the material
was readily available, he did not build a mosque (for no second mosque
with such pillars is known).
3) The tradition associating
the site with Rama was created out of nothing while the site was occupied
by an imperial mosque. Hindus left whatever place they had earlier
considered the birthplace, without a trace, and started an exclusively
Hindu worship in a mosque courtyard taking the unparalleled risk of confronting
the Muslim power, for no historical reason at all.
4) The British concocted
the story, eventhough their knowledge of these traditions was scant, no
priests or sadhus belonging to this tradition would ever believe an outsider's
theory (till today they reject any scholarly chronology of Indian history),
plenty of temples-turned-mosques were in existence without needing concoction,
and no similar rumour-mongering by the British has been reported anywhere
in India.
In an academic context,
the burden of proof would rest squarely with those coming up with such
a string of far-fetched hyptheses to contradict a well-established hypothesis
attested to by a long list of uncontroverted independent testimonies by
local Muslim as well as European writers spanning 4 centuries. More
so because the Mandir hypothesis is not only supported by the evidence
which we have presented, but is coherent with well-attested behaviour patterns:
1) Muslim conquerors
destroyed many temples and replaced them with mosques.
2) In a few cases, they
left the whole building standing (Kaaba, Aya Sophia); but far more often
they left the earlier building only partly standing, or razed it completely,
but visibly used parts of the destroyed temple, to flaunt the victory of
Islam over paganism: e.g., the Jama Masjid of Damascus (Syria), the Gyanvapi
mosque (Varanasi), Jami Masjid of Rajamundri (Andhra), Quwwat-ul-Islam
Masjid (Delhi), Adhayi-Din-ka-Jhonpra mosque (Ajmer), Jami Masjid of Kannauj
(U.P.), Jami Masjid of Sambhal (U.P.).
3) As N. Manucci
(17th century) and A. Cunningham (19th century) have testified, Hindus
often kept returning to places on which a mosque had been imposed, and
this more so to the extent that the place itself, rather than the erstwhile
temple, was sacred to them.
A simple test whether
the anti-Mandir hypothesis deserves any consideration at all, is the element
for which evidence should be most easy to find: the British concoction
hypothesis. In the plentiful and well-kept archives which the British
have left us, it should not be too difficult for genuine historians to
find some piece of evidence. But so far, no proof whatsoever has
been given either for such an actual course of events or even for similar
British tactics at another time and place. If the anti-Mandir polemists
cannot even come up with that, their whole hypothesis stands exposed as
a highly implausible and purely theoretical construction.
7.5 Conclusion
The choice is between
two hypotheses. Actually, the hypothesis that a Mandir stood on the
Ram Janmabhoomi site until Babar's troops destroyed it and replaced it
with the Babri Masjid, has only recently been made into a "hypothesis"
and forced to compete with the alternative anti-Mandir hypothesis.
Until recently, the pre-existence of a Ram Janmabhoomi Mandir at the Babri
Masjid site was a matter of established consensus. It was confirmed
by a large number of Hindu, Muslim and European sources from the 17th century
onwards, and never once put in doubt. And it explains all the relevant
facts and observations mentioned in all the sources, and all the iconographical
and archaeological findings at the site.
By contrast, the alternative
hypothesis is a recent invention of armchair theorizers under political
compulsions. Formally, it does no more than put into question a number
of the sources which confirm the Mandir hypothesis. It does not offer
a coherent scenario that would explain all the available facts. It
goes against general historical knowledge in a number of respects, and
fails to justify its extraordinary assumptions. Materially, it does
not come up with any proof : no proof that any of the pro-Mandir documents
is telling lies, much less any proof of the events that would make up an
alternative non-Mandir scenario.
The choice is between
a hypothesis firmly rooted in reality, and a hypothesis constructed in
the air and totally out of tune with general knowledge and particular evidence.
Faced with this choice, any sincere scholar, and indeed any citizen with
common sense, will not find it difficult to make up his mind. |